Liberation – Page 6

Viva NDFP

Published on April 24, 2023 in Editorial

On April 24, 2023, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) celebrates a half century of valiant struggles since its founding in 1973.

In various places today where the revolutionary movement has taken root, memories are being rekindled, martyrs are honored, commitments find new vigor, and revolutionary mass organizations gear for more action.

The establishment of the NDFP was a defining moment in the Filipino people’s struggles. Awakened people from various classes and sectors decided to support and participate in armed revolution aimed not only at overthrowing a tyrannical regime but also at fundamentally transforming an oppressive and exploitative semifeudal and semicolonial system holding sway in the country.

Forced underground when Marcos Sr declared martial law, the mass organizations electrified by the First Quarter Storm committed to align themselves with the people’s democratic revolution under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines and spearheaded by its military arm, the New People’s Army (NPA).

Since then the NDFP has stayed unstoppable: millions of Filipinos have joined the existing member-revolutionary organizations or formed new ones, bound by the 12-point program.

Despite the most brutal attacks and criminal slander by the succession of reactionary regimes, the NDFP has withstood and survived them all.

Undeniably, there have been considerable personal sacrifices and martyrdoms, which the NDFP appropriately values and honors!

Perseveringly, the united front has steadily grown—expanding and consolidating its ranks not just in the Philippines but also among Filipinos abroad. The brutal armed attacks and the accompanying red-scare, red-tagging, and anti-communist hysteria have failed to stop the NDFP in its tracks. At every turn, and for decades now, the reactionary forces have tried in vain to break up or crush the united front supporting the people’s protracted armed struggle.

Why have the reactionaries failed? Simply because the people that the NDFP faithfully serves have not relented on their support for the revolutionary struggle. Their goals are embodied in the NDFP program. And, through the decades, they have felt the benefits from the revolutionary struggle.

Among these are the palpable fruits of genuine land reform such as agricultural productivity, jobs and livelihood; boons from democratic self-governance such as basic education, equitable justice, basic social services, observance of people’s rights, respect for women and the national minorities, and safeguarding the environment. That the people have to resort to armed struggle just to attain these goals—live decently, freely, and peacefully—speaks of why and how they reject the rotten economic and political system run by the ruling elites.

Whether the reactionaries admit it or not, the revolutionary forces represented by the NDFP remain the strongest, broadest, and most organized armed opposition to past and present reactionary regimes. And for this reason, the reactionaries are most fearful of their nascent power. Hence there is no let-up in counter-revolutionary wars that have ranged from so-called low-intensity conflict to whole-of-nation approach. And as earlier noted, despite some losses and setbacks, the NDFP and the masses have persevered in struggle. For so long as the same socio-economic conditions exist, the reactionary state shall be faced—as it has—with new and more generations of revolutionaries.

Far from being a terrorist, the NDFP has practically gained the status of belligerency which had compelled the reactionary government to respond to the people’s demand for peace talks. But experience shows since the late 1980 that while the NDFP has remained serious about peace negotiations towards a just and lasting peace, the reactionary state has not. But it is amply clear that the use of armed force and deceit to demonize the NDFP will ever fall flat on the face of the state. As it was, as it is, as it will be.

After more than 50 years, it is still a long and hard struggle. But all the difficulties, sacrifices, and the blood of our martyrs will be constant reminders to current and future generations that the revolutionary spirit—coupled with the unstinting support of the masses—will be our ticket to victory, to achieving our liberation as a nation.###

The NDFP Allied Organizations

Published on April 22, 2023 in Mainstream

Formally launched in 1973 on the initiative of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) shortly after its reestablishment in 1968, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) is the most consolidated underground alliance of revolutionary forces under proletarian leadership. The NDFP brought together, as founding members, national democratic organizations that went underground in 1972 when martial law was declared. Some of these are the Kabataang Makabayan, Christians for National Liberation and the Pambansang Katipunan ng mga Magsasaka (PKM, Federation of Peasants).

Today, the NDFP has gathered 18 revolutionary organizations—cutting across all patriotic classes—even as it continues to draw support and new allies to advance the national democratic revolution and fulfil the Filipino people’s desire for national and social liberation embodied in the CPP’s Program for a People’s Democratic Revolution and the NDFP’s 12-Point Program.

Standing on the basic alliance of workers and peasants—as embodied on the CPP’s absolute leadership of the New People’s Army (NPA)—the NDFP is tasked with developing the revolutionary mass movement in the countryside and in the cities to rally political and material support for the armed struggle being waged by the NPA. Throughout its 50 years, the NDFP allied organizations have deployed Red fighters to the NPA; and not a few of them became commanders.

The NPA is the mass organization to carry out the revolutionary armed struggle, the main form of the people’s struggle. Along with it, the NPA is also tasked to implement and advance agrarian revolution and mass base building towards establishing organs of political power.

Working closely with the NPA is the Pambansang Katipunan ng Magbubukid (PKM), a mass organization of peasants; a deep source of Red commanders and fighters of the NPA. Being the majority class in Philippine society, the peasantry is considered as the main force and the most reliable ally of the proletariat in waging the national democratic revolution (NDR). With the NPA, the PKM have achieved significant victories in agrarian revolution, the main content of the NDR.

Aside from the CPP exercising proletarian leadership in the NDFP, two other revolutionary mass organizations of workers—the Revolutionary Council of Trade Unions (RCTU and semi-workers, the Katipunan ng mga Samahang Manggagawa (KASAMA)—are affiliated with it.

Both RCTU and KASAMA are the wellspring of Party cadres and Red fighters. These organizations ensure the conscientization and advance of the workers movement at the factory or community level through organizing and union building, political education, assertion of their rights, immersion with the masses in the countryside and enhancing solidarity work with progressive workers union abroad.

Patriotic Filipino overseas workers (and their families in the Philippines) are organized into the Compatriots to play the crucial part in advancing the Philippine revolution from where they are all over the globe. Aside from organizing more Filipino workers, they gather support from friendly foreign nationals, both material and political, in support of the armed revolution. Compatriots is the latest addition to the NDFP.

In the countryside, the NPA also organizes the peasantry through the revolutionary organizations of women (Makabayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan, MAKIBAKA) and youth (Kabataang Makabayan, KM). All in all, these organizations pave the way and ensure that organs of political power are built from the village level upwards.

Additionally, in the villages where there are indigenous peoples and Bangsa Moro, revolutionary organizations such as the Cordillera People’s Democratic Front (CPDF), Moro Resistance Liberation Organization (MRLO), and Revolutionary Organization of Lumad (RoL) are established to ensure that their rights to self-determination and ancestral land are duly recognized, articulated, and fought for.

Although the indigenous peoples and the Bangsa Moro as a social group are part of the classes in Philippine society like the youth, women, and fisherfolk, the revolutionary movement ensures that the particularity of their conditions are given due attention.

Various underground organizations of among the petty-bourgeoisie are also part of the NDFP. With the basic alliance of the working class and the peasantry as a stable foundation, the middle forces—student youth, teachers, low-income professionals and intellectuals—are drawn into the NDFP, both in the cities and in the countryside.

While Kabataang Makabayan plays a vital role in organizing the youth from the working class and the peasantry, it is also tasked to reach out to the student-youth.

The student-youth comprise the majority of the urban petty bourgeoisie along with the low-income professionals and intellectuals, and teachers. They are among the sectors of the petty bourgeoisie who are decisive in shaping favorable public opinion for the Philippine revolution in the whole country. They are the vanguards of cultural revolution and articulators of revolutionary propaganda.

The people’s democratic revolution cannot advance without the participation of revolutionary intellectuals.

Thus, aside from KM, organizations such as the Katipunan ng mga Gurong Makabayan (KAGUMA, KGM) composed of teachers-educators; Artista at Manunulat para sa Sambayanan (ARMAS) an organization of artists, cultural workers and media workers; Christians for National Liberation (CNL) of the religious sector of various denominations and congregations and church workers; Makabayang Samahang Pangkalusugan (MASAPA, MSP) among health practitioners and health workers and medical students; and Liga ng Agham para sa Bayan (LAB) of scientists and technologists can be counted as among most active articulators of a nationalist, scientific and mass-oriented culture and, more importantly, the national democratic aspirations of the people.

Also by mobilizing their members, these organizations work with the Party, the NPA, and other allied organizations in the guerrilla fronts like the PKM to provide and train the NPA and the masses literacy and numeracy as in the case of KAGUMA; health services, education and trainings on basic health care, sanitation, alternative medicine and medical procedure such as surgery by MASAPA; workshops on various fields of arts and literature by ARMAS. LAB provides science and technology education and training and technology-related projects to respond to the needs of the communities and of the NPA in the conduct of the armed struggle. Most, if not all, of these organizations are founding members of the NDFP.

In the 90s onwards, revolutionary organizations such as the Makabayang Kawaning Pilipino (MKP), an underground organization of public service sector employees, workers and middle management in the public service sector and the Lupon ng mga Manananggol para sa Bayan (LUMABAN) of lawyers and law practitioners and students have affiliated with the NDFP.

MKP repudiates the debased bureaucracy dominated by the ruling- class-stooge of US imperialism while LUMABAN is determined to upend the rotten judicial system, the instrument for coercion and repression of the ruling class to perpetuate its power.

The workers and peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie allied with the NDFP, the basic force of the revolution, have contributed not only knowledge, talent, skills, and resources to the revolution but also brawn and valor by actively participating in the armed struggle. (Pat Gambao and Priscilla Guzman)###

11 Things You Might Like to Know About NDFP

Published on April 20, 2023 in Mainstream

The CPP-NPA-NDFP is not one and the same organization.

These are three distinct organizations, even as they have the same political objective of winning the people’s democratic revolution in order to overthrow the semifeudal and semicolonial system in the Philippines and set up a socialist system.

The NDFP is the umbrella, the underground alliance, of all existing revolutionary organizations that are pursuing the national-democratic line with a socialist perspective.

Revolutionary organizations from various classes and sectors—such as the Revolutionary Council of Trade Unions for workers, Kabataang Makabayan for the youth, Makibaka for women, Christians for National Liberation for religious people, KAGUMA for teachers, MASAPA for health workers and professionals, and of course, the CPP and the NPA. These organizations unite to pursue the NDFP’s 12-point program that contains the legitimate aspirations of the Filipino people for peace, prosperity, and a just society.

3. The CPP is a member of the NDFP at the same time the leading organization in the alliance.

The CPP is the most advanced revolutionary organization within the alliance in terms of carrying out the theory and practice of people’s war in the Philippines. Other member-organizations look up to the CPP for theoretical guidance, lessons and experiences, dedication, and perseverance in the struggle.

4. The NPA, which is under the absolute leadership of the CPP, is the only armed revolutionary organization in the NDFP.

The NPA is the main revolutionary organization within the NDFP, composed largely of peasants who are most desirous of resolving the land problem which is at the root of the armed revolution. The NPA carries out armed struggle guided by the principle that at all times, politics must rule the gun.

The highest governing body of the NDFP is the General Assembly (GA) composed of the representatives from each member-organization. A National Council is elected from among the representatives in the Assembly, or in absentia, as the situation may require.

Security restrictions have limited the regular meetings of the General Assembly. The National Council and/or its Executive Committee may take over to issue calls and implement decisions upon consultation with member organizations.

Decisions in the NDFP are through consensus.

Each member-revolutionary organization is self-acting and autonomous. Thus, within the NDFP decisions are made through consensus and become binding to all member-organizations. Outside of the decisions of the NDFP the member-organizations continue to carry out their own programs for the masses they served.

Contrary to lies peddled by the reactionary state, legal mass organizations are not members of the NDFP.

Certain legal mass organizations may be progressive and may call themselves national-democratic, too. However, they operate under the State’s jurisdiction and bound by its rules, hence they carry out their objectives through popular protests or unarmed struggle. But the NDFP, being outside of the legal system, openly calls for armed revolution and sets up its own people’s democratic state. This is what differentiates the NDFP from legal mass organizations. In short, neither sympathy nor seeming likeness nor respect for the NDFP is synonymous to membership.

Neither are legal mass organizations “fronts” of or “infiltrated” by the NDFP forces.

To “infiltrate” is to put malice on the word. Revolutionaries are practically everywhere as they are common people. They have as much right as anyone to become a legitimate part of any legal organization for as long as they believe in its constitution and program. The NDFP does not make “fronts” of legal organizations. Calling these organizations as “fronts” disrespects the right of the masses to organize and seek redress of grievances and could be made an excuse to set the stage for their repression by the state.

Membership in NDFP organizations is individual, informed, and voluntary.

No one is ever forced to join an NDFP-allied organization. If so, that would have already been self-destructive and would not make the NDFP reach its 50^th year. Individual recruits or invitees to any of the member-organizations are well-informed of principles and program before they even pledge membership to the organization of their choice. Leaving the organization is likewise voluntary. As NDFP member-organizations operate in secret especially in the cities, the true identities of individual members are hidden from the enemies. In the countryside where revolutionaries operate freely NDFP allied organizations and their members are usually known by the people.

The NDFP serves as framework for establishing revolutionary organs of governance.

These organs of political power (OPP)—at the municipal, district, provincial levels—are the seeds of the people’s democratic government (PDG). Even at this stage, these organs of political power already administer justice and implement social services for the masses in guerrilla zones. The NDFP represents the organs of political power in establishing proto-diplomatic relations with states and other international agencies. It also represents the OPP in peace negotiations with the GRP since 1986.

The NDFP definitely wants peace.

The entire NDFP has been painted by state forces as “terrorist”. Despite the attacks and demonization, the NDFP has never turned its back on the peace talks that it has committed to pursue. Now on its 50^th year, the NDFP continues to respond positively to the sustained calls—by various peace advocacy groups, institutions, organizations, and known personalities—for resuming and completing the GRP-NDFP peace talks towards attaining a just and lasting peace in the country. (Vida Gracias, Pat Gambao) ###

Advance International Solidarity for the People’s Struggle

Published on April 20, 2023 in Mainstream

Developing international solidarity relations with all peoples of the world on behalf of the Filipino people is an integral task of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). The NDFP is cognizant that on the basis of friendship, mutual support, and cooperation, the Filipino people and other peoples of the world, and their anti-imperialist and democratic organizations and parties, shall pursue a world that is free from imperialist oppression and exploitation.

Liberation International interviewed NDFP Senior Adviser and former Chief Negotiator Louie Jalandoni on the revolutionary movement’s international work and its significance on the struggle of the Filipino people for nationalism and democracy.

Before he became chairperson of the NDFP negotiating panel in 1995, he was NDFP vice chairperson for international affairs as early as 1980s. In 1987, he and comrade-wife Coni Ledesma opened the NDFP International Office.

Here are some of Ka Louie’s insights on the NDFP’s international solidarity work.

Liberation International (LI): Can you give a short history on the beginnings of the movement’s international work?

International work of the revolutionary movement started in the 1960s when an official Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) delegation was sent to China. This was after the victory of the Chinese revolution. The CPP delegation developed links and cooperation with various official delegations of other Communist Parties who were also based in China. Chairman Mao led in providing the most powerful solidarity to the Filipino people’s revolutionary struggle. However, this powerful solidarity started to weaken when the influence of Deng Shao Ping increased and limited significantly the solidarity for the Filipino people.

A kasama (comrade) who went to the United States also started organizing Filipinos and building solidarity with the progressive forces in the United States.

In 1977, the movement’s international work in Europe started.

LI: Why is international work important in the national democratic struggle?

The fact that US imperialism exploits and oppresses the Filipino people, uses all its military might to attack, and uses feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism to enslave the people, make it important for the Filipino people to win international solidarity for its struggle for liberation. The conditions in the Philippines require that the Filipino people must carry out their revolution in a self-reliant way. But it needs international support to advance and win victory, in so many ways from peoples and movements abroad. This could not be one-sided for Filipinos as it also helps the growth and victory of other revolutionary struggles.

LI: What was the situation when you started international work in Europe? Was the situation favorable then?

When we started in Europe in 1976, there was already a solidarity group in the Netherlands. This was the Filippijnenegroep Nederland (FGN) which started solidarity work in 1975. The group was composed of Dutch persons who had worked in the Philippines as volunteers and missionaries and lived in the Philippines for many years. They became politicalized during their integration with the Filipino masses and wanted to help the resistance against the Marcos dictatorship. For Coni and me, this was a very positive development in carrying out our international work.

The political climate was also very favorable for Europeans to support struggles in different countries.

For example, the victory of the Algerian people against the French was supported by progressives in Europe. An Italian comrade and his wife attended an anti-imperialist conference in Algiers and through their efforts got the conference to support the Filipino people’s struggle, along with the Moro peoples struggle.

Support groups were also active for Vietnam, for Mozambique and Guinea Bissau, who were fighting for their liberation from Portugal.

Algeria then had support from very famous personalities like Lelio Basso, an Italian Senator. Together with other prominent personalities, he founded the Permanent People’s Tribunal.

One of our kasama, Francis Alessi, worked in the office of Senator Lelio Basso. Through Alessi, the Permanent People’s Tribunal (PPT) organized a Session on the Philippines in 1980 that focussed on the concerns of the NDFP and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF).

LI: What were some of the achievements of our international work?

The holding of the PPT Session on the Philippines was very significant. The Tribunal’s jury was composed of 10 prestigious legal experts, headed by 1967 Nobel Prize winner for Physiology, George Wald. The Tribunal’s verdict was that the NDFP was the legitimate representative of the Filipino people. It condemned Marcos as unfit to govern, and recognized the status of belligerency of the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people.

After the Tribunal, a Dutch political party (which no longer exists), the Pacifist Socialist Party, recognized the NDFP and introduced it to Parties they were in contact with, including Pasok, the ruling Party in Greece at that time. As a consequence, Pasok invited the NDFP to its Congress.

More achievements had been gained, including invitations from different political Parties in Europe and other countries. During the tours we would meet and hold discussions with members of different Parliaments.

LI: How about organizing work among our overseas Filipinos?

They are very significant. They number some 10-12 million. They serve as a very important mass base for the revolutionary struggle. With their experience, expertise, and capabilities they can help build a progressive Philippines. They can also win over the masses from different countries who also work or live abroad. Our diaspora can win solidarity from the diaspora of other countries.

LI: How markedly important is work among our compatriots abroad

The anti-Marcos Sr. dictatorship solidarity movement in Europe was very strong during that period. Is the solidarity movement for the Philippines at present the same as before? It is even greater now because the Philippine revolutionary movement has grown to more than 70 out of 81 provinces, in 110 guerrilla fronts throughout the country, and a People’s Democratic Government at various levels exists in the countryside. Hence there is stronger basis for solidarity work by compatriots abroad with other nationalities.

LI: Does the message of our people’s war and our socialist perspective continue to draw the same level of support from our foreign friends?

This depends on our own effective efforts. At this point the basis for expanding and consolidating the level of support from our foreign friends is firmer and stronger. They are very interested in learning more about our revolutionary struggle and joining celebrations of our victories.

LI: How do we relate with parties/organizations/alliances that have different ideological and political viewpoints/standpoints? How were these differences overcome?

We recognize and respect their different ideological and political viewpoints and standpoints, just as they too respect ours. We recognize the value of their struggle, as they too value our revolutionary struggle. In the process as we advance our solidarity and cooperation, so do we both advance our own struggles. This relationship is reciprocal and mutually beneficial for both sides. (Liberation International) ###

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