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Imperialism means war, imperialism means terrorism

in Countercurrent

Before they underwent massive PR makeovers in Hollywood movies, the vampires are some of the best graphic tools used to explain the secret of capitalist accumulation. In Das Kapital, Karl Marx describes capital as “dead labor, that, vampire-like, only lives sucking living labor, and lives the more, the more labor it sucks.”

In other words, capitalists gain and expand their capital by sucking their laborers’ values, just as the mythical vampires drain their victims’ blood and lifesource for them to survive and become stronger. But while capitalism lives and grows stronger by sucking the blood of its victims, in doing so it encounters existential crises as its bloodsucking ultimately leads to scantier volume of blood to suck.

In Karl Marx’s summary: capitalism digs its own grave.

Today, as capitalism has globally spread its dominance, what monstrous vampire has capitalism become? Capitalism has reached its highest historical stage of development, described as monopoly capitalism or capitalist imperialism, since the early 20th century.

At the time, Russian proletarian leader Vladimir Lenin said in the preface of the German and French edition of his popular outline, Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism:

“Capitalism has grown into a world system of colonial oppression and of the financial strangulation of the overwhelming majority of the people of the world by a handful of ‘advanced’countries.”

At the time, the “three powerful world marauders armed to the teeth”—America, Great Britain, and Japan—involved the whole world in their war over the sharing of their booty.”

True to its vampiric likeness, when capitalist imperialism made its global debut, its bloody, merciless party was the first world war. It was a war between rival monopoly capitalists or imperialists, for the purpose of deciding who among the rival financial marauders was to receive the lion’s share of control over the economies of the world.

From the first to the second world war, to the “cold war” and today’s so-called “war on terrorism”, all are wars launched by imperialists to seize control of resources, territories, trade routes, and spheres of power. In the latter cases of “cold war” and “war on terrorism”, it is no longer just a war among imperialist rivals. It has become also a war between imperialists and states or parties waging proletariat revolution, national liberation, or struggles for self-determination away from capitalist rule.

Below is a brief review of imperialism’s systemic compulsion to launch war, mainly to remind ourselves that over the years, this breed of vampire has not only become more merciless, rapacious and gluttonous when it reached its imperialist stage of development. It has also become more duplicitous and insidious. The fact that the dominant media hardly mention the word imperialism when it reports about the wars that are supported, armed and directly or covertly being waged by imperialist states is one of the biggest indications of its insidiousness.

Imperialism 101

Vladimir Lenin, the leader of the successful Russian proletariat revolution in 1917, previously listed the general features that distinguished imperialism from its early stages of capitalism. A cursory look at world events today shows that these distinguishing features remain true, even if the names and modes by which these happen may have varied over the years:

  • the highest and final stage of capitalism, imperialism, is the thoroughly parasitic and decaying stage of capitalism. The capitalists do not contribute at all to social production, yet they amass for themselves profits by extracting and appropriating surplus values through their ownership of capital, stocks, bonds, securities, derivatives or other ways they have devised to own, monopolize and maximize capital;
  • the ruling capitalists have become finance oligarchs, after industrial and finance capital merged: so now they jointly reap profits not just from exporting surplus manufactures but also surplus capital by way of foreign investments and loans;
  • monopoly firms of every imperialist state protect their own interests, but for these, they also combine and compete with monopoly firms of other imperialist states, seeking control of “spheres of influence” or territories to secure resources, low-cost labor, captive markets and supply routes;
  • imperialist states advance the interests of their monopoly capitalists and the international groupings they have formed or joined, maintaining a power structure between imperialists and “client-states” to install an economic structure where the imperialists can exploit the proletariat, oppress nations and peoples;
  • to keep its cycles of production and profit-taking running and profitable, competition between imperialist states for territories and “spheres of influence” is never-ending; and
  • imperialism breeds war, as every imperialist power or alliance is driven to redivide the world to feed their growing economic and military power.

System-generated compulsion to war

When imperialism is described as the most decaying stage of capitalism it means that as a system, it no longer has positive developments—efforts spent to evade or withstand its chronic crises of overproduction destroy rather than uplift its productive forces. It can no longer march history to unprecedented heights.

Organic in the DNA of the capitalist system is its drive for profits—even if the means to achieve it would eventually destroy its golden goose, like its own workers and markets, its “own” domestic industries, the environment, the relations of peoples and nations, and culture. In short, by default its operations lead to crisis of overproduction that it cannot resolve.

But no capitalist or imperialist will let that happen without a fight. To imperialists the recourse left to maintain itself is to wrest control of markets and territories from rival imperialists. And, prevent socialist states from wresting away their territories and ideological sway.

Imperialists in the business of war

Today we are bombarded by wars and pestered by saber-rattling. There are wars raging in the Ukraine, in Israel, in the Red Sea between Yemen, Iran and US “allies” and the West. Much destruction has been wreaked on “rogue” states previously targeted by the US-led imperialist “allies” who previously brought war to Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, and before that, in the Korean peninsula, Vietnam, and where wars for national liberation and right to self-determination are being fought, like in the Philippines and Colombia.

As we write this, war threatens to break out in the Indo-Pacific region over Taiwan. Like in the war in Ukraine which is a war between imperialist US with imperialist European allies in NATO against Russia, the looming war in Taiwan will be a proxy war between the US and its regional allies against their rival China.

To counter China, the US is itching to use “treaty allies” such as the Philippines in the Indo-Pacific. To keep its foothold and expand against China in the Indo-Pacific region, the US has recently been ratcheting its stockpiling of weapons and positioning of forces in its military bases in Japan, South Korea, and in the Philippines—where its military “facilities” are inside Philippine bases by virtue of the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA).

In the Philippines, the US is building more military bases and installations, and is continuously and more frequently holding joint wargames and exercises with Filipino reactionary troops to better train them in using US and its military allies’ weapons and ammunitions, warships and warplanes. They call it enhancing interoperability.

In the Indo-Pacific, specifically in the South China Sea/West Philippine Sea. the US claims the war provocations are for ensuring “freedom of navigation”. In all the ongoing and prospective theaters of war, the imperialists claim they are fighting “terrorism” and/or defending “democracy” (or what some Western media define as Western-style democracy). The latter simply means holding regular elections in which the people could vent their frustrations by choosing and voting candidates for public office from a pool of supposed traditional leaders, who are in fact stooges or representatives of the imperialists. Against China and Russia, the US and European imperialists even invoke “human rights” when they indiscriminately bomb cities, including hospitals and public service facilities.

All the above are just some of the latest examples of imperialists, particularly the US imperialists, who are currently at war in various countries and regions or itching for war in certain “hot spots”, and the justifications they concoct feed the dominant media reports about their aggression. The truth is, the imperialist needs war and is compelled to go to war that kill and maim millions of people because they have military-industrial enclaves whose thirst for profits couldn’t be quenched.

More importantly, as Lenin observed in his meticulous study of capitalist imperialism:

“(T)he characteristic feature of imperialism is precisely that it strives to annex not only agricultural regions, but even highly industrialised regions because the fact that the world is already divided up (between imperialist states) obliges those contemplating a new division to reach out for any kind of territory, and because an essential feature of imperialism is the rivalry between a number of great powers in the striving for hegemony…”

This is particularly stark as imperialist US, for example, maintains its support of Israel in the latter’s genocidal war against the Palestinians. The US uses Israel as a base for encroaching into the Middle East (or West Asia). The US has similar intentions in keeping the Korean peninsula divided between North and South and also to counter China.

In the Philippines, a strategic archipelago for projecting military power in the Indo-Pacific region, the imperialist US has maintained its seven-decade “iron-clad” mutual defense treaty with its former colony and puppet-government partner. Nowadays, they are building more military bases and talking about nuclear power.

Amid all these imperialist scheming, the Filipino people (and the people everywhere else) are justified in opposing militarization and imperialist wars of aggression. They are justified in opposing huge increases in the national budget allocations for highly-destructive arms purchases; the presence of foreign military bases, troops, facilities, and war materiel stockpiles; all military alliances and agreements with imperialist US and its allies; and the saber-rattling and calling for proxy war in Taiwan against China.

Moreover, the Filipino people and people everywhere who are seeking and fighting for national liberation are justified in continuing to resist and to overthrow their local and foreign oppressors.(Pinky Ang)###

Theoretical Conference on Imperialism and War highlights need for international revolutionary work

in Mainstream

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) has successfully led the first-ever Theoretical Conference on Imperialism and War amid the intensifying crisis of the monopoly capitalist system, fueled by conflicts and wars causing greater havoc on workers and other toiling peoples. Held in a European country in the last quarter of 2023, the conference aimed to further promote and enrich Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) in the course of resisting imperialism and waging revolution for people’s democracy and socialism.

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) delivered the keynote addresses. These were followed by presentations from the following organizations:

The Communist Party of Turkey Marxist-Leninist (TKP-ML), the Party of the Committees to Support Resistance for Communism (CARC-Italy), the Freedom Road Socialist Organization-USA, the Korean Committee for Solidarity with the World People, the Russian Communist Workers Party, the (New) Communist Party of Canada, the Kurdistan National Congress (KNK), the Revolutionaire Eenheid (Netherlands), the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist), the Communist Party of Belgium, the People’s Democratic Party (South Korea), and the Marxistisch-Leninistiche Partei Deutschlands (Germany).

Certain comrades and experts from China also participated.

Participants numbering 139 represented various proletarian-socialist, anti-imperialist, and democratic parties from Belgium, Canada, China, Germany, the United Kingdom, India, Italy, Turkey, Kurdistan, the Netherlands, North Korea, the Philippines, Russia, South Korea and the USA.

The Conference was also in line with the CPP Central Committee’s (CC) call, in its 55th anniversary statement, for rectification of subjectivism in the form of empiricism attributed to bourgeois and petty-bourgeois mindset. It was mainly manifested in politics as right tendencies and bureaucratism; and liberalism and ultrademocracy in the organization.

The rectification movement, described as an ideological and study movement within the Party and among its allied organizations, called for study campaigns and strengthening of international revolutionary work, among others. The latter in particular included strengthening fraternal communist relations with MLM parties and organizations, and strengthening international communist dialogue and cooperation. The CC also called on the revolutionary forces to wage active ideological struggle to expose modern revisionism, and repudiate Trotskyism, Gonzaloism, and other revisionist currents that misrepresent Marxism, Leninism and Maoism.

Keynote Address

The CPP keynote address laid out the key questions of the Conference: 1) the theoretical framework governing the question of the inevitability of wars—specifically imperialist wars of annexation and intervention; 2) the current balance of power among the imperialists and key flashpoints in the violent and non-violent conflicts between them; and 3) the working class attitude and policy of opposing and preventing inter-imperialist wars.

We remain in the era of monopoly capitalism and proletarian revolution as characterized by Vladimir Lenin. According to the CPP, “Lenin’s ‘Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism’ is still the most scientific and thoroughgoing analysis of the end-stage of the capitalist system. It is a theoretical progression of Marx’s Das Kapital, in which Lenin incisively points out how capital and capitalist production have become so centralized that it has rendered free competition of the previous period no longer possible.”

Written in 1917, the year of the Bolshevik revolution’s victory, Lenin’s analysis describes the essential features of imperialism which—106 years later—remain true:

(1) production and capital has become greatly concentrated that it has formed all-powerful monopolies; (2) the formation and predominance of finance capital or the financial oligarchy based on the merging of bank and industrial capital; (3) the export of capital, as distinguished from the export of commodities, has gained exceptional importance; (4) formation of international monopoly associations which share the world among themselves; and, (5) territorial division of the entire world among the biggest imperialist powers is completed.

Discussing the current flashpoints of inter-imperialist conflicts, the CPP pointed to the following major contradictions following the revisionist betrayal of the socialist revolution in the Soviet Union and China: the contradiction between monopoly capital and the proletariat in capitalist countries; between rival imperialist powers; between the imperialist powers and oppressed peoples and nations; and between imperialist powers and countries assertive of national sovereignty and socialist programs.

US imperialism has been ceaselessly fomenting wars since the 1990s. It is “driven by US finance capital, including banks and venture capitalists, which are deeply intertwined with the US military-industrial complex including arms manufacturers, defense contractors and private mercenaries.” It has been directing its might at Russia and China in its effort to assert superiority in an already multipolar world.

The CPP discussed the US-NATO proxy war in Ukraine, which was among those tackled in the Conference reflecting divergences in analysis. According to Ang Bayan, the official publication of the CPP, the Conference also discussed the current occupation and bombardment of Palestine by Israel, fueled and supported by the US.

Secondary flashpoints, according to the CPP, are results of inter-imperialist rivalries in the Middle East, Africa and Latin America. At this writing, the US has expanded its imperialist war in the Middle East, bombing Houthi forces in North Yemen. The Houthis are in support of the Palestinian people’s struggle against US backed-Israel in Gaza.

Asia is also a flashpoint of inter-imperialist rivalries as the US has sought to contain China’s growth since 2011. These include increased military presence in Japan, South Korea and Singapore, and strengthened military foothold through bases, training exercises, and aid to the Philippines. The latter has largely been directed at “counterinsurgency” operations.

The CPP called on the international proletariat to “unite and condemn the war preparations and do everything to mobilize the masses to prevent the outbreak of an inter-imperialist war that can only succeed in bringing untold misery and disaster to the working class and people, especially in the smaller countries which are being dragged into the conflict between the imperialist ‘great’ powers.”

Some major points

Conference participants largely acknowledged Lenin’s identification of the essential features of imperialism as the foundation in understanding and analysis of key developments today. The Marxist-Leninist theoretical framework was affirmed as guide to building unities and identifying tasks for moving forward in revolutionary struggles.

Participants were united on the analysis of US imperialism as the world’s dominant imperialist power, even if the current period has seen the decline of its superpower hegemony especially in relation to the challenge posed by China’s rapid economic and military rise.

Acknowledging the need to constantly build and strengthen Marxist-Leninist parties in each of their countries and elsewhere, the participants stated that “Marxist-Leninist parties should support the people’s struggles for national liberation with a sense of urgency, including the Palestinian struggle against occupation and genocide.”

Some practical questions raised included the following: In our duty as proletarian internationalists, how can Marxist-Leninist parties and our movements and organization be in solidarity with each other? How do we determine alliances and relations between our parties, movements and formations? What is the role of Marxist-Leninist party in each of our countries and what should our objectives, strategies, and tactics be?

NDFP Theoretical Conferences

As reported in Ang Bayan, the participants forged a common understanding of the theoretical framework and analysis of the current state of the world.

Following the Imperialism and War Conference, the NDFP is slated to hold an International Theoretical Conference on Economic Crises of Imperialism in 2024.

These theoretical conferences aim to serve the broad united front against imperialist war within the proletarian-socialist and anti-imperialist movement. For NDFP allied member organizations, understanding the contradictions of the moribund world capitalist system is vital in resisting imperialism and all form of reaction, and advancing the national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective through people’s war. (Aya Servando, CNL) ###

Five grounds that show why China is no longer Socialist, much less Communist

in Editorial

Up until today, and probably for more decades to come, China will continue to harp on having a system of an “advanced socialism with Chinese characteristics”. But even to ordinary tourists in China, what appears to mesmerize them is China’s speedy turn towards capitalism.

This great country, founded as a people’s republic under Mao Tse Tung 70 years ago, was a blazing icon for many of the world’s revolutionaries and proletariat, including those in the Philippines. China inspired millions as it initially transformed itself from a backward semi-feudal, semi-colonial toward a progressive and socialist country.

But in no time at all after Mao’s passing, revisionism struck its ugly chord; systematically it demolished socialism and restored capitalism. Now China is a fast-emerging imperialist power challenging the heretofore lone imperialist superpower, the United States, after the unravelling of the Soviet Union towards the end of the 1980s.

What has become of socialism then? It remained in China only “in words, not in deeds”. The Chinese “communist” leadership has become a master of duplicity, hiding behind socialist slogans, yet brazenly collaborating and colluding with capitalist powers while creating its own brand of monopoly capitalism.

The first thing the revisionists did a few years after Mao’s death was to thoroughly revile the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR), so much so that until now, few publications, especially in the culturally influential “West”, write about the GPCR without choice insults thrown in against it.

Were it not for the succeeding Chinese leadership’s duplicity and use of force against genuine communists, the peoples of the world would have seen how Mao’s theory of continuing revolution (as embodied in the GPCR) would have continued to make leaps and bounds in modernizing and developing not only China, but perhaps the rest of the world as well, along historically unprecedented socialist lines.

The GPCR was the Chinese communists’ endeavor to ensure that the proletariat and the people actually (not nominally) rule; that they actually own, manage, and equitably share in the nation’s production and wealth. The GPCR was designed as a national check against revisionism, against the return in various guises of parasitic exploitation by one social class of another class—be they called, in the “West” as capitalists or, in China as Party leaders and entrenched bureaucrats along with their relatives.

The continuing attack against the GPCR and the reign of duplicitous Chinese leadership represent, at once, the monumental possibility as well as the tragedy in the struggle of the world’s proletariat. Possibility because due to China’s socialist undertaking it was able to advance in so short a time. Tragedy because its advance was cut short much too soon even though Mao had emphasized early on that the revolution is a continuing one.

We all have seen, or are still reeling from, the parasitic and fatal course of imperialism. How much more hopeful and glorious our tomorrow would have been, if our revolutionary struggles continued while a truly communist party and a socialist China both remained standing tall. As things stand now, we owe it to ourselves and our future to correct the historical injustice to the GPCR, while we persevere in the revolutionary struggle to free ourselves from capitalist exploitation.

For many, capitalism or imperialism is so ubiquitous and easy to spot. But imperialism as “socialism with Chinese characteristics”? The peoples of the world have heard, or read about, the garbage spoken or written against communism. Let us not add to it by calling today’s China “communist.”

For any reader who may have been lost in, or confused by, China’s transition to capitalism, here are a few basic communist traits. Compare these traits to the real world of China today, and we can see clearly that the Chinese leadership is lying through its teeth about being communist:

1. At the core of socialism is social ownership of the means of production.

Most of the land and strategic industries were declared public property, administered by the State or by people’s collectives. But the revisionists have effected major reversals. They have dismantled collective land ownership along with collective cultivation and administration. They have broken up and emasculated the communes and turned over their former dominion as piecemeal responsibilities of individual families. The revisionist State has closed down or sold off many State enterprises. Privatization, liberalization, deregulation—all neoliberal policies— have been let loose to gain foothold in Chinese agriculture and industry.

2. Working class leadership is paramount in a socialist society.

Yet the Communist Party of China, which leads the State, has turned into a bourgeois-led party. Long before it allowed capitalists—newly-minted billionaires at that—to become party members, the party cadres themselves had become bureaucrat capitalists. They dip their hands into public funds, enjoy and dispense privileges, engage in crime and corruption. Membership in the Party has become for sale, with huge payouts especially among bureaucrat princelings and billionaires. These bureaucrats thrive in a state of monopoly capitalism.

3. Public services and social policies are for the common good.

These are given priority in a socialist society. Yet under revisionist leadership severe cutbacks have been imposed on wages, food, education, health, housing, etc. Urban migration has ballooned as the landless, the dispossessed and the jobless migrants from China’s vast countryside converge in the cities in quest for jobs. Productivity has been prioritized over welfare and job security. Even the “right to strike” has been stricken out of the constitution.

4. Socialist and revolutionary values reign supreme in culture.

But the memories of China’s socialist revolution as well as those of other countries have been viciously obliterated. There are surmounting efforts to revise and distort Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The spirit of revolutionary solidarity and cooperation that previously reigned high has been downgraded.

5. It is socialism’s dictum to come to the aid of poor and oppressed nations and peoples towards national and social liberation.

But this is not the spirit by which China nowadays exports capital, grants aid, or lends to nations. Far from international solidarity, China has become one of the world’s biggest creditors and uses its power to amass profit and to influence and intervene in other nations’ internal affairs in furtherance of China’s imperialistic aims. It is increasingly becoming a major military power as well to protect and advance its imperialistic interests. It is expanding its influence and dominion in many parts of the world, competing more and more aggressively with other major powers for markets and territories.Though the proletariat in China and in the rest of the world have encountered this huge setback, the fact remains that, scientifically speaking, over the long haul “capitalism digs its own grave.” The capitalist/imperialist system’s inherent contradictions have been spurring recurrent crises that it cannot continue trying to avoid, to delay, or worse to downplay by mislabeling it.

These crises, which have been growing worse in each succeeding round, naturally breed resistance. Despite repression and censorship by China’s capitalist roaders, for instance, the masses continue to resist in the countryside as well as in the cities. In due time, Mao’s unfailing faith in the masses will ultimately prevail and turn the tide in favor of socialism. ###


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On Duterte’s Double Puppetry to US and Chinese Imperialism

in Statements
Prof. Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant

Duterte engages in double puppetry to US imperialism and Chinese imperialism. So far, he seems to benefit from his servility to each power. It remains to be seen what will be the crisis impact on the Philippine ruling system and his regime as the inter-imperialist contradictions between the US and China intensify.

Contrary to the impression that he occasionally tries to make, Duterte is not really distancing himself from the US in order to be closer to China. For his selfish benefit, he is subservient to each imperialist power in a definite way.
He does not dare to challenge or change the most dominant role of the US over the Philippines. He has maintained the treaties, agreements that have allowed the US to be the most dominant power on the economy, politics, culture and security aspects of the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system.

He is highly conscious of maintaining support for himself from the US in order to keep the loyalty of the pro-US military and police officers. In fact, he has deliberately kept US support for his rule with his policy of rabid anticommunism and proclaimed goal of wiping out the revolutionary movement of the people.

He and his principal political and security subalterns take orders from their US masters as regards red-tagging patriotic and progressive forces, misrepresenting communists as terrorists and murdering suspected revolutionaries, social activists and even human rights defenders.

The Duterte regime is actually in cahoots with US imperialism in using mass intimidation and mass murder in order to preserve the US-dominated ruling system of big compradors, landlords and corrupt officials. Under Oplan Pacific Eagle-Philippines, the US actually provides funds and arms that are beyond US congressional oversight.

While Duterte’s puppetry to US imperialism is determined by his greed for power and his desire to be secure from the threat of ouster, his puppetry to China is mainly determined by his greed for lucre and desire to avail of the opportunities for quick money from high interest loans and overpriced infrastructure and other contracts in dealing with China well as from expanded drug smuggling and distribution in collaboration with criminal Chinese triads.

In both types of puppetry, the Duterte regime cannot avoid the historic role of being a butcher and mass murderer. It has been quite easy for Duterte to kill the poor drug suspects by the tens of thousands in order to install himself as the supreme protector of drug lords and to subordinate the local drug market to the Duterte drug syndicate. The poor victims and their families are silenced by the acts of murder and threats of further harm to them.

For obvious reasons, it is far more difficult to engage in the mass murder of organized social activists and human rights defenders, suspected revolutionaries from the intelligentsia and even worker and peasant activists who belong to patriotic and progressive organizations. But the killing has started and can gain momentum.

There is now a system of mass intimidation and mass murder well- established and protected by Duterte and this is now generating the criminals in power in the civil officialdom and in the security agencies at various levels. State terrorism is now flourishing and is now on the way to a full-blown fascist dictatorship.

The brazen line of the counterrevolutionary butchers in power is that all problems of the nation are not due to foreign monopoly capitalism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism but due to the communist revolutionaries and the people’s resistance to oppression and exploitation.

Of all regimes that have arisen since the time of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, the Duterte regime is the one that has complete contempt for the Filipino people and their revolutionary movement and is hellbent on using violence with impunity in order to suppress them.

It is not at all surprising that Duterte holds the highest regard for the Marcos fascist dictatorship. He is oblivious of the fact that it is precisely because of the Marcos fascist dictatorship and the subsequent US-designed strategic operational plans implemented by their Filipino puppets that have given the patriotic and progressive people no choice but to take the road of armed revolution.

While he stays in power, Duterte runs the high risk of being destabilized and overwhelmed by his own abuse of political power as in the case of Marcos or by the crisis impact and debilitating consequences of the escalating contradictions between the US and China on economic, trade, financial, political and security matters.

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