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New People’s Army - page 5

BUKAS NA LIHAM PARA SA BAGONG HUKBONG BAYAN

in Statements 
25 Marso 2019

Isang pagpupugay sa ika-50 anibersaryo ng Bagong Hukbong Bayan, mula sa isang kaanak ng biktima ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao ng mapanupil na estado.

Ako ay sumulat para maghapag ng isang hiling sampu ng iba pang kaanak ng di mabilang na biktima ng pagpatay, pagdukot, harassment at iba pang paglabag sa karapatang pantao.

Kaming mga kaanak ay taon at ang iba pa ay dekada nang sumuong sa prosesong legal na binigay sa amin ng 1987 Constitution para lamang makamit ang hustisyang aming inaasam. Lahat ng proseso ay dinaanan ng mga kaanak ng mga biktima. Pero di mabilang sa kamay ang mga may hustisyang nakamit ng mga kaanak. Bagama’t malakas ang ebidensya, parating nauuwi lamang sa kangkungan ang mga kasong aming hinain sa mga korte. Madalas, kami ay pinapaikot-ikot lamang sa kamay ng mga salarin at ng mga legal na institusyong dapat sana ay magtatanggol sa aming mga biktima. Pero paano nga naman kung ang hinahabol ng hustisya ay mismong nagpapatupad ng batas. Kadalasan bumabalik kami sa una naming tanong sa simula nang mapatay o madukot ang aming kaanak: paano ba namin makakamit ang hustisya?

Walang pakundangan ang mga pwersa ng estado maghasik ng lagim sa mga komunidad. Karahasan ang sagot sa mamamayang nagpapahayag lamang. Mabigat sa aming dibdib na patuloy at buong laya ang paglabag sa karapatang pantao. Tuyo na ang aming luha sa hinagpis habang ang mga salarin ay laya pa rin.

Alam ko/namin na kilala ninyo ang ilan sa mga salarin sa maraming kaso. Sila ay patuloy pa rin na nagkakalat ng lagim. Kada taong kawalan ng hustisya ay taong dusa ng mga biktima.

Humihiling kami ng hustisya sa tunay na hukbo ng bayan. Parusahan ang mga may utang na dugo sa mamamayan. Mula sa ulo ng krimen hanggang sa mga galamay nito. Di na ‘ko umaasa na makakamtan ang hustisya sa estadong nagsisilbi lamang sa mga dayuhan, panginoong maylupa at burgesya komprador. Sa inyo na lamang kami umaasa ng katarungan.

Depensahan ang mamamayan na inyong pinaglilingkuran. Ang bawat bigwas sa mga sagad-sagaring salarin ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao ay hakbang patungo sa paghilom ng aming mga sugat.

Muli, bumabati sa ika-50 anibersaryo ng tunay na hukbo ng mamamayan. Panahon na para maningil hindi lamang para sa aming mga biktima kundi para sa mamamayang inaapi.

Umaasa,
Kaanak

#NPA50
#ServeThePeople
#CherishThePeoplesArmy
#RevolutionaryJustice

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The Guerrilla is Like a Poet – New People’s Army 50th Anniversary

in Arts & Literature/Videos

Pagpupugay sa ika-50 anibersaryo ng Bagong Hukbong Bayan!

THE GUERRILLA IS LIKE A POET
by Jose Maria Sison, 1968

The guerrilla is like a poet
Keen to the rustle of leaves
The break of twigs
The ripples of the river
The smell of fire
And the ashes of departure

The guerrilla is like a poet
He has merged with the trees
The bushes and the rocks
Ambiguous but precise
Well-versed on the law of motion
And master of myriad images

The guerrilla is like a poet
Enrhymed with nature
The subtle rhytym of the greenery
The inner silence, the outer innocence
The steel tensile in-grace
That ensnares the enemy

The guerrilla is like a poet
He moves with the green brown multitude
In bush burning with red flowers
That crown and hearten all
Swarming the terrain as a flood
Marching at last against the stronghold

An endless movement of strength
Behold the protracted theme:
The people’s epic, the people’s war

==========

ANG GERILYA AY TULAD NG MAKATA

Ang gerilya ay tulad ng makata
Matalas sa kaluskos ng mga dahon
Sa pagkabali ng mga sanga
Sa mga onda ng ilog
Sa amoy ng apoy at
Sa abo ng paglisan

Ang gerilya ay tulad ng makata
Nakasanib sa mga puno
Sa mga palumpong at rokas
Na nakakaalangan subalit tumpak
Bihasa sa batas ng paggalaw
Pantas sa laksang larawan

Ang gerilya ay tulad ng makata
Karima ng kalikasan
Ng sutlang ritmo ng kaluntian
Katahimikang panloob, kamusmusang panlabas
Aserong tibay ng panatag na loob
Na sumisilo sa kaaway

Ang gerilya ay tulad ng makata
Kasabay ng luntian, kayumangging masa
Sa palumpong na pinaliliyab ng mga pulang bulaklak
Na nagkokorona at nagpapaalab sa lahat
Dumadagsa sa kalupaan tulad ng baha
Nagmamartsa sa wakas laban sa kuta

Walang hanggang daloy ng lakas
Masdan ang matagalang tema
Ng epikong bayan, ng digmang bayan

 

#NPA50
#ServeThePeople
#CherishThePeoplesArmy
#HanggangSaTagumpay
#JoinTheNPA

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E-CLIP Briefer: it’s all about money, money

in Countercurrent

The Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program (E-CLIP) took off from the Comprehensive Local and Integration Program (CLIP) of the Department of Interior and Local Governments (DILG) and the PAMANA (Payapa at Masaganang Pamayanan-Peaceful and Resilient communities) program of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP). The two programs were centralized under the Task Force Balik Loob, through Administrative Order 10 issued on April 3, 2018 by President Duterte. The consolidated program was renamed (how else?) E-CLIP.

On May 31, 2018, the Defense Department released a seven-paged Implementing Rules and Regulation (IRR). It was jointly signed by DND chief Delfin Lorenzana, National Housing Authority (NHA) General Manager Marcelino Escalada Jr., then OPAPP head Jesus Dureza, and retired police general Nelson Estarez of Office of the President (OP).

Heading the Task Force Balik-Loob is DND Undersecretary Reynaldo Mapagu. Aside from the DND, among the lead agencies are the DILG, OPAPP, OP, and the NHA, with the rest of the Executive departments as members.

The Task Force claims it shall pursue a “comprehensive, integrated, community-based national program” that will be implemented in the local areas to address twin objectives: secure the legal status and security of former rebels; and take care of the former rebels’ economic and social needs and psychological rehabilitation.

These objectives, according to the IRR, shall be carried out through the CLIP and PAMANA programs. E-CLIP committees shall be organized in the provinces and highly urbanized cities.

Before the two programs were integrated, the CLIP under the DILG claimed to have spent Php 101.67 million as of January 2017 to assist 1,573 “former rebels” (or Php 65,000 per “rebel returnee”). The Php 65,000 is broken down into: Php 15,000 for immediate assistance while the “former rebel’s” enrollment to CLIP is processed, and Php 50,000 livelihood assistance once enrolled.

This does not include, the DILG said, rewards for surrendered guns, if there are any. In Davao City the president’s daughter, Mayor Sara Duterte, gave away an initial Php 20,000 and Php 50,000 for every low-powered firearm and high-powered firearm, respectively.

The Philippine National Police (PNP) unit or the local government unit that processes said enrollment receives Php 7,000 assistance, supposedly for the “board and lodging” of the “surrenderees”. Based on the 1,573 “former rebels” processed as of January 2017, at least some Php11 million of the budget went to the PNP and/or the local government unit.

Numbers don’t add up

Noticeably, under the Enhanced CLIP, the increase in the budget allocation went to the PNP and/or the local government unit handling the “rebel returnees’s” board and lodging. From Php 7,000, it was raised to Php 21,000 per police unit or LGU. The Php 65,000 budget per “surrenderee” remains the same.

In several news reports, DILG chief Gen. Eduardo Año boasted that in 2018 some Php 488 million have been downloaded nationwide to build halfway houses for the “rebel returnees”, to build the capacity of agencies involved in the program, and to support military and police units handling the “returnees”. The NHA was also said to have spent Php 450,000 for the construction of settlement houses of the “returnees”.

For 2019, Año said he would allocate another Php 250 million for the E-CLIP, “in anticipation of the “influx” of NPA members who presumably would want to surrender.

If approved in the bicameral conference committee deliberating the 2019 budget, the DND would get a separate allocation of Php 48.766 billion also for E-CLIP and the Task Force Balik-Loob.

For its part, the OPAPP has been seeking an increased budget for the PAMANA program since 2016: from Php 700 million in 2016 to Php 8 billion for 2017. And the Php 5.8-billion actual allocation in 2018 is planned to zoom to Php 30.216 billion for 2019.

The PAMANA project, according to the OPAPP website, “aims to extend development interventions to isolated, hard-to-reach, conflict-affected communities.” This would be done through road projects and delivery of social services that would be carried out by various government line agencies.

That the OPAPP had been involved in various corruption issues even during the time of Pres. Noynoy Aquino has recently been exposed. At that time, OPAPP got more than Php 2 billion from the corruption-reeking Disbursement Acceleration Program.

Presidential peace adviser Jesus Dureza resigned in November 2018 after President Duterte fired the OPPAP undersecretary for support services and PAMANA national program manager, Ronald Flores, and his assistant secretary for support services and PAMANA concerns, Yeshtern Baccay. Both officials were accused of corruption, and Dureza assumed command responsibility for their misdeeds.

Meanwhile, the Department of Education has raised concern that the Php 36-billion cut in its 2019 budget, initiated by the House of Representatives, would affect its scholarship programs, including those offered to the children of “rebel returnees”. While the government kept drumbeating state support and services for the “surrenderees” in 2018, the scholarship program was not implemented simply because there was no budgetary allocation.

Indeed, the campaign to lure rebels “into the fold of the law” and the mock “influx” of alleged surrenderees are designed to fatten the bureaucrats’ pocket. What gives away the money-making scheme is this: the government’s actual spending and the reported number of “surrenderees” don’t add up.

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DUTERTE IS THE BEST RECRUITER AND BEST TRANSPORT AND SUPPLY OFFICER

in Statements 
Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
23 March 2019 | https://goo.gl/MLoM8h

The Filipino people and the revolutionary forces led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) have a lot to thank Duterte for. Though unwittingly, like the tyrant Marcos in his own time, Duterte has become the best recruiter and the best transport and supply officer of the New People’s Army (NPA).

As the best recruiter of the NPA, Duterte has driven so many people to join the NPA by running a tyrannical, treasonous, mass murdering, plundering and inflation-generating regime. The people have no choice but to fight such an evil regime.

By terminating the peace negotiations, he compels the armed revolutionary movement to concentrate on intensifying the people’s war and cast away any illusion that this regime of terror and greed can negotiate social, economic and political reforms to address the roots of the armed conflict in order to achieve a just and lasting peace.

The more direct kind of assistance that Duterte gives to the armed revolution is splitting up his military and police forces into two parts, one part for psywar and mass intimidation and the other part for blind and deaf armed offensives against the people.

The part for psywar and mass intimidation is for engaging in fake peace-and-development activities, rounding up people for fake localized peace negotiations, fake surrenders, occupation of civilian offices, too many checkpoints, guarding pro-Duterte politicians and business enterprises, over-enlarged surveillance and intelligence operations, widespread red tagging, urban arrests and death-squad operations.

The part for combat is weakened with less personnel for field deployment. In any case, whatever is the number of combat personnel of the reactionary armed forces, they are rendered blind and deaf by the lack of popular support wherever they dare to move against the guerrilla fronts.

Duterte is the best transport and supply officer when he sends his troops and police to attack the guerrilla fronts. When they advance in superior force, the NPA retreats and gives the enemy an illusion of winning. But when they camp and take over rough terrain, their strength is thinned out and they leave gaps between units and make small detachments and patrol teams, which are easy targets for the counteroffensives of the NPA.

Duterte’s scheme to destroy the NPA in Mindanao and then in Luzon and the Visayas has utterly failed. The predictions of Ano and Duterte that they could destroy the NPA before the end of 2018 have proven to be false. Duterte’s prediction that the NPA would be destroyed before the middle of 2019 have been debunked by DND secretary Lorenzana himself who begged for more time until 2022.

The NPA has become stronger in Mindanao, with more enemy units being annihilated and disarmed. At the same time, the people’s war in Luzon and the Visayas has successfully intensified. Thus, Duterte is compelled to redeploy some of his forces from Mindanao to the Visayas and Luzon. The 75 percent of his military forces concentrated in Mindanao since 2017 are now down to 64 percent, according to inside AFP sources.

The diehard reactionaries like Duterte and his armed minions always fail to appreciate the strategic line of protracted people’s war in pursuit of the people’s democratic revolution. This strategic line gives the wide space and time for the NPA to grow from small and weak to big and strong and to lure in the enemy forces to spread out thinly in the countryside and to so many islands for NPA tactical offensives to become more effective.

It is impossible for the reactionary military, police and paramilitary forces to defeat the NPA through sheer military operations and puerile psywar. The NPA already has nationwide strength and is deeply rooted among the toiling masses. It occupies almost all the strategic areas favorable for guerrilla warfare in the stage of strategic defensive and for the prospective regular mobile warfare in the strategic stalemate.

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) has wisely changed the NPA force structure, with 40 percent of its units relatively concentrated for tactical offensives and 60 percent relatively dispersed units for mass work in each of the 110 guerrilla fronts. By seizing more arms from the enemy forces, the NPA is increasing its ability to hit the weak points of the enemy at will all over the archipelago.

At this time, the termination of the peace negotiations seems to benefit Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship but in fact, it drives the broad masses of the people and the organized revolutionary forces to wage all forms of resistance to isolate and intensify them in order to isolate and defeat the tyrannical US-Duterte regime.

As an observer of the current civil war in the Philippines, I have learned from CPP revolutionary publications that the best way to frustrate Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship, to puncture its arrogance and debunk the fake surrenders and fake encounters staged by the regime and its armed running dogs is for the NPA to deliver more lethal blows on weak points of the enemy forces in the countryside and deliver head blows to the regime’s most brutal, corrupt and drug-trading officials in the urban areas.

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