Liberation – Page 25

Revolutionary Taxation Serves the Masses, Advances the Revolution

Published on July 26, 2017 in Mainstream

by Pat Gambao

Taxation is an essential function of the State as it correlates with its ability to exercise power and to carry out its programs and policies in a sustained way.

In a State dominated by the reactionary ruling classes, the revenues generated from taxation are intended primarily to boost its power to control and exploit, not to serve the people. Such a State saps the lifeblood of the working class, the peasantry and the middle bourgeoisie for revenues to maintain the grandiose lifestyle of its rulers and finance its fascist instruments of suppression and oppression—the armed military and police, the courts, the jails. Its public service is a pittance. It only aims to make its subjects beholden to it and create a culture of passivity and surreal contentment.

Literacy-Numeracy program by the New People’s Army

Whereas taxation is a legitimate and an inherent right of the State, this is abused by the reactionary governments at the expense of the destitute masses and continuously impoverished masses.

This is what happens in the Philippines. Revenues from taxes are appropriated in favor of the ruling classes who sit at the helm of power, as well as of their oligarch allies, their US imperialist master with its neoliberal impositions and, of course, the State security forces who protect and defend them to ensure their perpetual rule.

Bureaucrat capitalism

A big chunk of revenues coming from the blood and sweat of the people ends up in the pockets of bureaucrat capitalists for personal aggrandizement and for squandering in their luxurious living and debased habits. Though it has long been an open secret where lawmakers’ pork barrels for public service projects go, it was only after a whistle blower in trouble came out that the scandal exploded into their very faces and shook the foundation of the supposedly august chambers of Congress.

The “pork barrel scam”, involving lawmakers and government officials, confirms how deeply entrenched corruption is in the bureaucracy and the legislature. No less than the President Noynoy Aquino figured in the controversy because of his administration’s manipulation of savings from budget appropriations—the so-called Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP)—to fuel its political patronage and to pamper the State’s war-making and killing machine. Bureaucrat capitalism is indeed an abominable malady ravaging the Philippine society.

Taxes are also earmarked for the payment of foreign debts from imperialist banks and financial institutions that have never really served the interests and welfare of the people. Such debts only bury the people deep in misery as they are the ones who shoulder the brunt—not only of the repayment but also the pernicious impacts of loan conditionalities.

Worse, most of the revenues from the people’s taxes are gobbled up by the coercive apparatuses of the State that train their fascist attacks on people fighting for social justice and their rights.

The current administration’s proposed bill on taxation, the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN), will supposedly correct existing inequities in the present tax law.

However, while the range of tax exemptions have been expanded to include the middle income group, many provisions in the bill will eventually take away whatever little relief the tax reform bill offers. Indirect taxes for instance, the increase in excise tax on petroleum products such as diesel and LPG, and taxes on sugar sweetened products, such as 3-in-1 coffee, soft drinks and juices will surely have adverse repercussion that will hurt the poor most. Expected as consequences are transport fare increases and the domino-effect of price boosts on commodities and utilities.

The government promises safety nets, in the form of discounts and cash dole-outs, to counter such new burden. But as has been proven many times before, no safety net can match the knack for profiteering of wily capitalists.

Revenues for the people

Meanwhile, the People’s Democratic Government has imposed its own taxes on big foreign and local comprador business corporations and landlords whose properties and operations are within its territories. Taxes are levied on the occupancy of the land and the exploitation of the natural resources in these areas which truly belong to the people and which should primarily benefit them. Businesses are required to secure permits to operate in the guerrilla fronts.

Although the revolution draws strength primarily from the masses’ support and obtains its weapons, mainly from the enemy through victorious encounters or through raids and tactical offensives, revenues from revolutionary taxation subsidize the operations of the organs of political power of the revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), the New People’s Army (NPA) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). But most importantly, revolutionary taxes are allotted for the development of the communities to uplift the life of the masses, filling up a vacuum created by long government neglect. These revenues are used to put up schools, including those for adult literacy and numeracy program; to provide health and medical services, as well as training of paramedics; to finance the projects of the revolutionary organizations to increase food production, livelihood development, formation of cooperatives and relief and rehabilitation in times of calamities.

Role of NPA

The NPA is primarily responsible for the collection of revolutionary taxes. The amount of tax to be collected depends on the resources of the corporations.

Revolutionary taxation through the NPA has been going on for a long time. In fact, President Duterte during his 20-plus years as Mayor of Davao City, was long aware of, and not adverse, to it. Addressing the delegates of the Davao Trade Expo in October 2013, the then mayor of Davao City advised his audience to factor in their investment payments for the revolutionary taxes to the revolutionary movement. Citing the “historical injustice committed on the people” as rationale for revolutionary tax, he urged the businessmen: “If you pay to the BIR, you prepare also for the NPA.” However, on April 2, 2017, the emotionally volatile Duterte retracted this advice after he visited some wounded soldiers from an encounter with the NPA. In fact, he has since demanded from the revolutionary forces to cease collecting revolutionary tax, including such demand among the conditions he peremptorily set for the resumption of peace negotiations with the NDFP that he cancelled on February 4, 2017.

Subsequently, the Cabinet Security cluster wanted to include the stopping of revolutionary taxation, which it called “extortion”, among the provisions of a bilateral or joint interim ceasefire agreement it tried to push during the 4th round of formal GRP-NDFP negotiation in April.

The NDFP negotiating panel effectively dealt with the issue by placing in one part of the “Agreement on An Interim Ceasefire” this paragraph: “Matters regarding a single government authority and taxation shall be discussed and resolved in forging the Comprehensive Agreement on Political and Constitutional Reforms within the framework of the proposed Federal Republic of the Philippines.”

Neither terrorism nor extortion

The ruling classes, who never want a dent on their wealth, attempt to discredit the revolutionary movement by labelling revolutionary taxation as acts of extortion and terrorism. DND Secretary Delfin Lorenzana echoed these sentiments. He even issued a statement a day before the start of the fourth round of peace talks and upon the declaration of an all-out war, accusing the revolutionary movement of being anti-development, anti-progress and anti-poor, as if the development and progress he crows about ever benefited the poor.

According to the NDFP, the revolutionary movement enforces taxation in a manner understood by the tax payers. Although revolutionary taxes are obligatory, the NPA is open to negotiation, in particular on the amount to be paid. But big businesses which refuse to comply face corresponding retribution. The “element of class coercion” is applied when entities of the exploiting classes refuse to pay their tax obligations, as well as when they disobey or disregard the laws and regulations being enforced in the guerrilla zones.

Chief NDFP peace negotiator Fidel Agcaoili explained that since the NDFP, unlike the GRP, can neither expropriate properties, nor confiscate equipment of these corporations because it does not have the means to keep or dispose of these, the NPA resorts to incinerating the equipment. He has suggested that instead of setting them on fire to just disable the equipment and temporarily halt business operation.

Unfortunately, the reactionary government has connived with these transnational and local comprador corporations. It has sanctioned the formation of an Investment Defense Forces composed of the Philippine Army, the Citizen Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU), the Investment Defense Force (IDF), and the Special Civilian Armed Auxiliary (SCAA) to protect the comprador firms and eliminate all hindrances, including the affected residents who put up resistance to their business operations.

There are also some bad elements—syndicates or pawns of the Armed Forces of the Philippines-Philippine National Police-Citizens’ Armed Forces Geographical Unit (AFP-PNP-CAFGU)—who misrepresent the NPA, intimidate big corporations and businesses to extort “protection money”. These people put to bad light the reputation of the revolutionary movement. The movement is coming up with measures to counter the practice.

People’s interest

In the implementation of revolutionary taxation, the NDFP upholds foremost the interest of the people and the environment. According to the NDFP, payment of taxes is not a license to destroy the environment, to deplete the natural resources and national patrimony, to harm the people’s livelihood; nor to compromise the struggles of the peasants for land or lower land rent and the workers for a living wage, better working conditions and right to unionize.

In consonance with the NDFP policy on environmental protection and ecological conservation, the people work towards its attainment while vehemently protesting the activities of these mining and logging corporations.

Living witness is the way they rose up from the devastating super typhoon Pablo/Bopha that hit Davao Oriental, Compostela Valley and parts of the Caraga region in December 2012. Volunteers from all over the place, including students and professors, campaigned to reforest the damaged mountain environs.

The NDFP treats small and medium enterprises differently. They are encouraged to develop and prosper as this is mutually beneficial to them and the communities.

Some nationalist businessmen, enlightened gentry—friends who believe in the justness and the exigency of the Philippine revolution contribute financially in support of the democratic struggle.

The compliance with revolutionary taxation, as well as with the laws and rules prevailing in the guerrilla zones, is in recognition of the growing strength of the red political power. The implementation of the revolutionary taxation also ushers in the masses’ capacity for self-reliance as they put to productive use the revenues collected.

The CNL 8th National Congress: Faith and Struggle

Published on July 15, 2017 in Mainstream

by Pat Gambao and Markus del Pilar

After 14 years, church people assembled for the most awaited occasion—the 8^th Congress of the Christians for National Liberation (CNL), an allied organization of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Everyone was excited to share experiences and lessons from more than a decade of revolutionary work since the 7^th Congress in 2003. Although the members occasionally bumped into each other during church activities in the urban areas or in the countryside, nothing much transpired beyond exchanges of warm smiles, handshakes and embraces and some brief pleasantries.

Site of the CNL 8^th Congress was a guerrilla zone in the Southern Philippines. A company of red fighters ushered the more than 50 official delegates, together with some visitors and CNL staff into the bastion of the guerrilla front. The regional delegates came from Ilocos and Cordillera, Central Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bicol, Panay, Negros, Central Visayas and the five regions of Mindanao. Full of excitement and with high morale, unmindful of the backpack-full of personal belongings and documents, the bishops, priests, pastors, nuns, deacons and laity, untiringly trekked the long path to the venue.

The 8^th Congress was significant as it ended the 14-year gap in assembling its members. It was doubly significant because it was held months after the historic Second Congress of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).

“Persevere in attaining greater heights of the national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective. Intensify the participation of the sector in the people’s armed revolutionary struggle.” Thus, declared the 8^th Congress theme. It was a response to the call to attain the advance substage of the strategic defensive laid down during the Second Congress of the CPP. It also paid homage to the 44^th anniversary of the NDFP.

The Congress aimed to unite the delegates in the understanding and analysis of the current situation in relation to the strategy and policy of the united front, as well as to reap lessons from the revolutionary practice of the organization in the past 14 years. Its particular objectives were: (1) to review the documents that guided its work, such as its orientation, program, tasks, and Constitution and to come up with proposals, resolutions and amendments to refine and affirm these documents; (2) to elect its new set of officers; and, (3) to celebrate its 45^th founding anniversary and pay tribute to the martyrs who offered their lives to the people’s democratic revolution.

CNL was one of the pillars of the NDFP which was formally organized on April 24, 1973 as the revolutionary united front organization that gathers together all progressive classes, sectors and forces struggling to attain national and social liberation of the Filipino people. The CNL’s orientation and program was patterned after the initial 10-point program of the NDFP.

The assembly reflected on the 14 years of experiences and achievements of the organization. These included the involvement in major mass campaigns against corruption, human rights violations, large-scale mining, public services privatization and for the resumption of peace negotiations between the NDFP and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP). The CNL also supports the struggles of the peasantry, workers, urban poor, migrants, and the national minorities. These efforts have resulted in the expansion of the organization’s reach to middle forces and allies and strengthened the support to the revolutionary fronts. The CNL also took up the Cherish the Army campaign and encouraged the integration of its members in the guerrilla zones.

The participants also delved into the weaknesses of the organization in carrying out its tasks. Among those noted were conservatism, bureaucratism, liberalism, individualism, sectarianism and sluggishness in their method of revolutionary work. Like true Marxists, they graciously accepted their shortcomings after profound discussions and resolved to rectify and overcome these weaknesses.

Moro and christians

It’s significant to point out that the CNL 8^th Congress was held in a guerrilla front where the residents are predominantly Moro. They enthusiastically welcomed the CNL delegates. The delegates’ integration with the Moro masses has given them a clear insight on the Moro situation and struggle for self-determination and against national oppression. Meanwhile, the Moro masses were delighted with their interaction with the delegates. They arrived at a common understanding that the problem in Mindanao is not about religion, but about the worsening exploitation and poverty, both of the Moro and Christians. They also shared the common experience that despite the peace talks and agreements between the GRP and the MILF, and between the GRP and NDFP, attacks by government forces on the communities continue and that grave abuses, harassments and destruction of the environment by big foreign corporations and mining companies have adversely affected their livelihood.

One Congress participant noted: “Our brother Moro were grateful that the Congress was held in their place. They were greatly honored that this historic chapter in the revolutionary movement happened here and that they appreciated being given a glimpse of the expanse—from Luzon and VIsayas to Mindanao—of the revolutionary forces who like them are waging a revolution to attain real freedom and just peace.”

For the preparations, the red army of the two guerrilla fronts that hosted the event acknowledged the big help by the masses of their areas and some from the city. They took care of the transportation needs, ensured the security of the participants, as well as the venue and its surroundings. They prepared the meals and even set up cultural productions.

The new CNL leadership

Just as historic was the election for the first time of a nun to chair the CNL. In her acceptance speech, Sister Puah said,” I know the tasks entrusted to us are not easy. But I am confident that with our collective efforts, we will better enhance our work to meaningfully contribute to the people’s democratic revolution.”

Sister Puah’s involvement in ecclesiastical work has been long and vibrant. “Pope Francis is my idol. He said ‘Get out. Get messy in the mud.’ Literally, my back got muddy on my way here” she jested, adding proudly:

“I felt I was restricted in the passion for justice, peace, gospel imperative and church teachings that was why I didn’t just stay in the confines of the convent. I defied my superiors. As a religious, I knew that the CNL was the right place for me to be able to truly serve God and the people.”

“I have been listening to various sectors of Philippine society,” she disclosed. After several years as a religious, I do not believe anymore in the institutional church, but, rather, the church as a people of God. The voice of the people is the voice of God.”

Congress resolutions

To help in the recruitment, expansion and alliance work of its leadership bodies, the Congress resolved to conduct a deeper study of the system of other church institutions. It also resolved to develop a curriculum for CNL activists and conduct continued trainings and mass work to equip the members in organizing work; and also to develop a staunch solidarity with the basic sectors and to deploy members to basic sector organizations both in the urban areas and in the countryside.

Other resolutions adopted called for the continuation of the GRP-NDFP peace talks and a principled engagement with the Duterte administration regarding the issues of extrajudicial killing and human rights violations due to the anti-drug campaign and the military counterinsurgency operations.

Birth and burgeoning of CNL

The Christians for National Liberation (CNL) was organized on February 17, 1972 before Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law. The date was chosen to coincide with the centennial of the martyrdom of the three Filipino priests—Fathers Gomez, Burgos and Zamora—who fought for secularization and Filipinization of the Church during the Spanish colonial rule. Progressive and nationalist clergies and laity came out of the confines of their churches into the world of their parishioners, who were burdened with nagging societal problems, to organize the CNL.

In August 1972, the CNL held its founding assembly in Manila. But just a month after, on September 21, Marcos declared martial law—stripped the citizenry of their rights and held them captive to the grim control of the military implementers. CNL was declared illegal and most of its members went underground. However, CNL has left a revolutionary legacy among the religious and they continued to serve the people, not only through the customary prayers but through palpable deeds. The church institutions served as sanctuary for victims of oppression. The CNL members offered their lives in the service of the poor, the oppressed, the disadvantaged and the marginalized. Some even left their convents, parishes, and their congregations to join the revolutionary armed struggle.

The CNL played a significant role in the historic La Tondeña workers strike for wage increase and better working conditions in 1975. Although church people had been initiated into the mass actions of workers at the picket lines long before the declaration of Martial Law, this time it was different—the fangs of state fascism were most lethal. Yet they bravely faced the police and military who attempted to break the picket line. To stand up for justice was paramount to them that no form of harassment or assault could cow them. That successful La Tondena strike broke the silence of the labor movement. From that time on, workers’ strikes in factories and establishments mushroomed, rendering the law banning strikes useless.

The same unwavering courage was shown by the religious sector during the people power uprising in 1986 that led to the fall of Marcos and the end of the dictatorial rule. The CNL’s most significant contribution to the revolution is a reservoir of cadres and red fighters.

Tribute to Heroes and Martyrs

Whatever the CNL attained in the past 45 years of revolutionary work is attributed to the unabridged commitment of its members of their strength, energy, wisdom and lives to both the legal and armed struggles. They did not hesitate to confront all odds and difficulties, even if it cost them their lives, to bring about a just society, enjoying freedom and democracy.

The Congress paid its highest tribute to the martyrs and heroes of the church whose selfless commitment to serve the masses and the revolution left an inspiring legacy to the religious sector.

A video presentation was shown of the heroes’ and martyrs’ lives and work. It mentioned that a martyred CNL member had been a political commissar of the red army battalion of the very region that hosted the Congress. He was honored, together with a church leader who just died while the delegation was on its way to the Congress.

The Bible abounds with hope. It bespeaks of rights, of justice. It attests to Christ’s advocacy for the oppressed, his standing up to them against the Empire. It affirms the morality of waging armed struggle. It showed how Gideon, the best commander in the Old Testament, led the Israelites to fight the oppressors. It also bared the many prophets who took up the cause of the exploited basic sectors of society and spread the Good News about people’s liberation.

Ang Kasarian ng Digmang Bayan

Published on June 29, 2017 in Mainstream

ni Markus del Pilar

“Siguro, aabot sa halos isang kumpanya kung pagsasama-samahin kami. Kaso hindi pwede! Kita mo naman kanina sa laro namin ng volleyball, ‘no? Maiingay kami!” nagtatawanang pagbibida nila.

Napakadalang ng pagkakataong nagkakasama-sama sila. Ang ilan sa kanila ay ngayon lang nagkita at nagkakilala. Magkakahiwalay kasi sila ng larangang kinikilusan at gaya nga ng sabi nila, hindi sila pwedeng pagsama-samahin… hindi dahil sa “maiingay sila” kundi mas doon sila kailangan sa mga eryang pinagtalagahan sa kanila.

Sila ay mga hukbo ng Pulang Bagani Battalion. Rebolusyonaryo. Bayot.

Tinagurian ng mga masa sa baryo na “grand production sa mga bayot” ang nagdaang selebrasyon sa Davao City ng ika-48 anibersaryo ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas. Mga bayot na hukbo ang nagdirehe, nag-ayos ng programa, nagturo ng sayaw, nagdisenyo ng entablado, ang ilan ay kasama pa sa mismong pagtatanghal. Tuwang-tuwa ang mga masa habang pinapanood ang kanilang pag-eensayo at paghahanda.

“Buti naman at pinayagan nang sumapi sa NPA ang mga bayot,” sabi pa ng isang masa.

Hindi nagsasara ng pinto ang Partido sa pagsapi ng mga bakla, lesbyan, bisekswal o transgender. Anuman ang piniling kasarian, maaaring sumapi sa Partido ang sinumang handang yumakap at magtaguyod ng Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoismo at saligang batas ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas. May katulad na patakaran ang Bagong Hukbong Bayan na kumikilala sa karapatan ng mga Pulang mandirigma sa pagpili ng kasarian.
#PrideMonth #JointheNPA
Mula sa PRWC Info

Pagbaka sa Diskriminasyon

“May mga kwento ang mga ‘ninunong bakla’, mga ‘anitong bading’ sa lunsod noon na tinitingnang kahinaan ng ilang kasama ang pagiging bakla nila. Sasabihan pa raw sila noon na bakit tikwas nang tikwas ang mga daliri nila, kembot nang kembot sa rali. Umabot pa sa puntong itinuring na banta sa seguridad ang kabaklaan nila. Pero pinatunayan nilang walang kinalaman ang pagtikwas at pagkembot nila sa kakayanan nilang mamuno at gumampan kahit pa gawaing militar,” kwento ni Ka Riko, choreographer.

Itinulak ng lumalaking bilang ng mga bakla at lesbyanang kasapi ng Partido ang pangangailangang magkaroon ng dokumentong gagabay sa wastong pakikitungo sa mga kasaping may piniling kasarian. Inasahang makapagpapahupa ito sa diskriminasyong nararanasan nila mula sa iba pang kasapi.

Isa na rito ang On Proletarian Relationship of the Sexes (OPRS)–gabay na dokumento ng Partido sa pakikipagrelasyon at pag-aasawa. Noong 1998, idinagdag ng Ika-10 Plenum ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas ang Annex E na nagsasaad sa pantay na karapatan ng mga kasaping may piniling kasarian at pagkilala sa kanilang kagustuhang makipagrelasyon at makapag-asawa.

Subalit hindi magiging madali ang proseso ng pagpapatanggap sa ibang kasapi dahil na rin sa iba’t ibang antas ng pag-unlad ng mga kasama. Bukod pa rito ang nananatiling hibo ng burges na lipunan at kulturang kinamulatan na kinakailangan ng tuloy-tuloy na pagbaka.

Kwento pa ni Ka Duday, isa sa mga medic ng Pulang Bagani Battalion, “Naramdaman ko noon na hindi ko alam kung paano ilulugar ang sarili ko. Hindi ako pwedeng sumabay sa mga lalaki sa paliligo kasi paglabag daw sa palisiya. Hindi rin pwedeng sumabay sa mga babae dahil pagsasamantala raw iyon. Nasabihan din ako ng isang kasama na ‘walang lugar sa rebolusyon ang mga bakla’. Galit na galit ako noon. Bumaba ang morale kaya nagdesisyon akong bumaba na lang. Pag-uwi ko, wala rin naman akong nagawa. Iyak lang ako nang iyak. Matapos ng ilang buwan, nagsabi akong babalik ako para makipag-assess.”

“Tingin ko, iyong pagbaka at pagbabago sa nakagisnang kultura sa burges na lipunan, magmumula kapwa sa mga bakla at lesbyana at mga straight. May mga dokumento namang pwedeng gumabay sa pag-aaral para ipaunawang hindi hiwalay ang mga bakla at lesbyana sa nararanasang pagsasamantala, na kabahagi ng rebolusyon ang mga bakla at lesbyana. Pero paano namin maipapaabot ang mensahe at aral kung kami mismo ay lumalabag sa mga disiplina.” dagdag ni Ka Duday.

“Turning point siguro, kung partikular sa karanasan ng SMR, noong late 2000. Napadepensiba ang isang yunit ng NPA at nahirapang mag-withdraw sa erya. Palapit na noon ang mga militar. Isang bading na NPA ang humarap sa kanila para matulungang makapagmaniobra ang mga kasamang naipit,” pagpapatuloy ni Ka Riko. Proud!

Malaki ang naging epekto ng insidenteng ito para bigyang pansin ang “tamang pakikitungo sa mga kasamang bading”. “Mararamdaman mong may cat-calling pa rin pero hindi na kagaya noon na halatang may pandidiri. Ngayon may halo nang lambing. Bongga kaya ang mga bading sa kilusan, matapang! Palaban!” sabi pa ni Ka Riko.

Halos isang taon na rin ang lumipas nang mamartir sa isang labanan si Wendell Gumban — o si Weng sa kanyang pamilya, o si Wanda sa mga kaibigan at kasama sa urban, o si Ka Waquin sa mga mandirigma ng Pulang Bagani Battalion at mga Lumad sa bahaging iyon ng Mindanao. Isang Tourism graduate mula sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas na tinalikuran ang mga pansariling pangarap para magsilbi at mag-alay sa tagumpay ng rebolusyon.

“Labas sa pagiging baklang NPA ni Ka Waquin, ang kanyang dedikasyon sa paglilingkod sa sambayanan ang nagsisilbing inspirasyon, hindi lang sa mga kagaya naming bayot kundi sa maraming kasama at masa. Pinatunayan niyang hindi dahilan ang pagiging bayot para hindi mo makalabit ang gatilyo lalo na kung para sa pagpapalaya ng bayan,” pagmamalaki ni Ka Duday.

Paglaladlad

Bukod sa pagharap sa kaaway, kinailangan din ng ilan sa kanila na buong tapang na harapin ang internal na tunggalian sa sarili. Batid nilang kaakibat ng paglaladlad ang pangungutya, pangmamaliit, at pandidiri.

“Hayskul pa lang ako, alam ko nang bayot ako. Pero pilit ko ‘yong tinago sa pamilya ko. Nakakasalamuha ko na rin ang mga hukbo noon pero hindi ko binalak na maging NPA. Tumutulong-tulong lang ako noon sa kanila. Kapag galing ka sa magsasakang pamilya, gugustuhin mo ring iahon sila sa hirap. Nagtrabaho akong security guard sa syudad. Pero hindi rin ako nakatagal nang maranasan ko ang sobrang pahirap na ginawa sa amin ng mga katrabaho ko. Kinontak ko agad ang kaibigan kong NPA, sabi ko magpu-fulltime na ako.” paglalahad ni Ka Princess.

“Isang taon mahigit kong itinago ang pagkatao ko sa mga kasama. Naging bagahe ko na. Kaya isang araw, kinausap ko si Ka Bob, political instructor namin. Sabi ko sa kanya, ‘Bob, basin di ka mutuo sa akong ingnon ba, basin ma-schock ka kung unsa katinuod akong ingon. Giingnan gyud nako sya na tinuod gyud na babae gyud ko. Ikaw na magpaabot sa han-ay sa komite nga maistoryahan ninyo na. Kay basta importante, nakapaabot ko ana. (Bob, baka hindi ka maniwala sa sasabihin ko, baka ma-schock ka kung gaano sa katotohanan. Sinabihan ko siyang babae talaga ako. Ikaw ang magsabi sa komite at pag-usapan niyo. Ang importante nasabi ko na.”

“Inimbitahan ko rin ang pamilya ko na dumalo sa selebrayon ng ika-48 na anibersaryo ng PKP. Doon ko ipinagtapat sa kanilang bayot ako. Nagulat sila noong una, pero natuwa rin naman nang ipaliwanag ko sa kanila ang nararamdaman ko,”

“Inasahan ko nang kakantyawan ako ng mga kasama kapag nagsabi na ako ng totoo. Pero iba ang naging reaksyon nila. Ang mga masa at ilang kasama, ayaw pang maniwala noong nagtapat ako ng identidad ko. Sabi nila, lalaki naman daw ako pumorma, magsalita, kumilos. Sabi ko, kapag pilit mong itinatago ang pagiging bayot mo, lahat gagawin mo para hindi ka paghinalaan.”

“Napakagaan sa pakiramdam pagkatapos kong magsabi sa kanila. Para akong nabunutan ng tinik sa lalamunan,” pagsasalaysay ni dating Ka Marco na ngayo’y Ka Princess na, giyang pampulitika ng isang platun.

Uphold the right of the LGBT to express gender identity and support their struggle against all forms of discrimination. – Program for a People’s Democratic Revolution as approved by the 2nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Philippines
READ RELATED ARTICLE
Mula sa PRWC Info

Nakadagdag naman sa bagaheng dalahin ni Ka Awra ang pagiging Moro niya.

“Bumilib ako sa mga kasama ko noon sa urban. Maraming kasama, babae tsaka lalaki, na magaling mag-gay lingo. So, pakiramdam ko tanggap na tanggap nila ang mga bakla. Pinagdududahan na rin pala nila akong bakla noon kasi lalamya-lamya ako. Hindi naman nila ako pinipilit paaminin. Tapos noong 2005, pinapunta nila ako sa launching ng organisasyon para sa mga bakla at lesbyana. Nagtataka na ako noon bakit pinapunta nila ako doon. Tapos n’ong pakilanlanan na, sasabihin mo ang pangalan mo… tsaka kung bakla ka ba, lesbyana, silahis. Ayon, na-launch pati ang career ko bilang Awra Alindogan! O, di ba bongga!” natatawang pagbabalik-tanaw ni Ka Awra, instruktor sa pag-aaral.

“Nadiskubre kong marami pa pala akong pwedeng gawin pagkatapos kong mag-out. Marunong pala akong magsulat, sumayaw. Mas naging bukas na rin ako sa mga kasama at masa. Mamahalin ka ng masa lalo na kung tinutulungan mo sila sa kanilang mga problema, makikita nilang kasama ka sa hukumang bayan sa pagresolba ng mga suliranin. Nakikinig sila kapag nagbibigay ka ng pag-aaral, kurso man ng Partido o simpleng pagbasa at pagsulat. Kung kasama ka sa pagdedesenyo ng programa at pagpapatupad nito, buong-buo kang tatanggapin ng masa kahit pa anong kasarian mo.”

De Kalibreng Bayot

“Minsan, na-raid ang kampo namin. Nasamsam lahat ng gamit at damit ko. Pinadalhan nila ako ng isang supot ng mga pampalit sa mga nawala kong gamit. ‘Kay Awra’ ang nakalagay sa supot. Mangiyak-ngiyak ako noon sa sobrang saya. Sinulatan ko sila pabalik para magpasalamat. Excited lagi sila makakwentuhan ang mga hukbo kapag nalaman nilang malapit lang kami sa kanila.”

“Ang respeto kasi hindi naman makukuha ‘yan sa pagtatago ng identidad mo. Unang-una, hindi naman kailangang itago ang pagiging bakla. Kung mahusay mong nagagampanan ang tungkulin mo, marunong kang makisama, tumatalima sa mga programa’t palisiya, wala kang magiging problema. Pangalawa, hindi lang ito para sa mga bayot, kahit babae o lalaki, na magpakahusay sa paggampan ng mga gawain. Sa ganoong paraan namin nakukuha ang tiwala at respeto ng mga kasama at masa.”

“Minsan naatasan akong mag-team leader sa isang special operation. Ayaw na ayaw kong pumayag. Ang haba na ng buhok ko noon pero kailangan daw gupitan. Iyak ako nang iyak habang ginugupit nila ang buhok ko. Sabi ko pa, ‘Ayaw ko nang mag-struggle,’ with matching iyak-iyak,” natatawang kwento ni Ka Awra.

“Pero sa bandang huli, naisip ko rin na uunahin ko ba ang pansariling kaligayahan kumpara sa gawaing ibinigay. Pumayag na ako. Tapos nagpraktis na kami paano ilulunsad ang operasyon. Sa aktwal na, nakabantay ang mga “direktor” ko. Tinatawag ako pag tingin nila lumalambot ang pagsasalita at kilos ko. Pero hinahayaan naman nila akong maging ako kapag walang ibang tao. Nakakapagdekwatro na ako at nakakapag-abaniko kapag kami-kami lang. Babalik lang sa karakter kapag may ibang tao at sasakyan.”

“Pagkatapos ng operasyon, pinapa-pack up ko na ang mga kasama kaso nireklamuhan akong gutom na raw sila. Baka raw pwede kong pakiusapan ‘yong paparating na trak ng prutas. Last na raw. Syempre naimbyerna na ‘ko, pero sige na lang. Naawa rin naman ako sa kanila. Pinara ko ‘yong trak, nakasando na lang ako, tsaka ginamitan ko na ng aking charm. Nakilala naman kaagad nilang mga NPA kami kasi bakla ako. Wala naman kasing nagpapakilalang baklang sundalo ng AFP. Nagpakilala pa ang driver na masa raw namin siya, taga roon daw siya sa isang barangay na kinikilusan namin,” masayang pagkukwento ni Ka Awra.

Kilusang Mapagpalaya

Itinuturing na malaking pasulong na hakbang ang paggalang at pagkilala ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas sa karapatan ng mga bakla at lesbyana. Totoong maraming aral pa ang mapupulot nito sa patuloy nitong pagsusulong ng pambansa demokratikong rebolusyon. Marami pang lubak na susuungin ang kilusan subalit nariyan ang Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoismo para gabayan ang landas tungong tagumpay. Nariyan ang mga kasama, kadre, at masa para palamnan, isabuhay, at lalo pang paunlarin ang mapupulot na aral.

“Hindi maiiwasan na magkaroon pa rin ng problema ang mga bayot lalo na sa mga kasamang hindi pa ganap na naiwawaksi ang kulturang kinamulatan sa burges na lipunan. Pero ito ang kaibahan ng PKP sa lahat ng pampulitikang partido, kinikikilala nito ang mga kahinaan at natututong magwasto mula rito,” saad ni Ka Riko.

“Walang pinipiling kasarian ang rebolusyon. Walang kasarian ang baril. Ang paglilingkod sa masa at ang pagtatagumpay sa ganap na pagbabago ng lipunan ang magbibigkis sa atin, lalaki man o babae, bakla man o lesbyana,” dagdag ni Ka Princess.

“Nararapat lang na sumapi sa kilusan ang lahat ng bayot at lesbyana. Sa armadong pakikibaka natin maitataguyod ang lipunang hindi lang panlabas ang ganda kundi gandang magmumula sa kaibuturan ng ganap na paglaya,” pagtatapos ni Ka Duday.

Higit sa pagkilala ng Partido sa kanilang karapatan, ibinigay rin sa kanila ng rebolusyon ang armas na siyang gagamitin nila para palayain, hindi lamang ang kanilang sektor, kundi ang lahat ng inaaping uri; na siyang gagamitin nila para basagin ang lahat ng kumbensyon na ang kanilang piniling kasarian ay hindi lamang pang-parlor at panlibangan lang ang kanilang kakayahan; na siyang gagamitin nila para ilatag ang isang lipunang malaya sa lahat ng uri ng pagsasamantala at diskriminasyon.###

NDFP Peace Consultants as Desaparecidos

Published on June 26, 2017 in Gallery

The reactionary governments, through their state security forces, resort to abduction and enforced disappearance to silence those who openly oppose and criticize their oppressive and repressive policies and pose a threat to their rule.

Among the thousands of victims of enforced disappearance in the Philippines under various regimes were the National Democratic Front peace consultants who were abducted when the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo regime stalled the peace negotiations between the government and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). This was also part of then Arroyo regime’s implementation of Oplan Bantay Laya 1 and 2.

The abduction and disappearance of the NDFP peace consultants violated the GRP-NDFP Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) and the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG).

Victims’ relatives filed writ of habeas corpus with the courts and lodged complaints with the Commission on Human Rights but nothing came out of these. Witnesses were afraid or threatened. Nobody was held accountable. Perpetrators were even rewarded with promotions. The culture of impunity persisted.
The GRP has yet to face responsibility for these cases of abduction and enforced disappearances and other human rights violations.

Enforced disappearance is not only ferocious, but also most excruciating for the victims’ relatives. Through the years, they have hoped and waited for their loved ones to surface, although deep inside they knew they were hoping against hope. The loss of their loved ones was difficult to accept. But as their hopes never dim, so does their fortitude to stand up for what their loved ones had fought for. ###