Make way, dictionary updaters of the world. In the Philippine elections, the common sense meaning of the words “marginalized and underepresented” are being refreshed with every electoral simulation of democracy.
Looking at the partylist groups linked to influential political clans or military—they could swiftly get accredited by the Comelec and figure in trending spots of surveys and ads. On the other hand, the partylist groups with consistent and documented experiences of standing for the common sense definition of the marginalized and underrepresented, are red-tagged and targeted.
The reactionary state has facilitated many unusual takes on who constitutes the “marginalized and underrepresented.” Here we list a few:
1. “marginalized or underrepresented” as yet, among established political clans
Compared to established political clans, nascent political dynasties are, in their way, “marginalized and underrepresented” in the reactionary Philippine state.
In the face of established political clans, the likes of the Tulfo siblings were like ants. They made use of their career in broadcasting playing to the masses’ desire to avenge their injustices and heckle the perceived perpetrators. The Tulfos capitalized on the gained popularity to take elective posts via the partylist system.
They acquired the ACT-CIS partylist from former police director Samuel Pagbilao (ACT-CIS Rep 2013-2016) and joined the 2019 elections. Supporting the Duterte regime and its drug war, the Tulfos and their close friends won the maximum seats for partylist reps in 2019 and 2022 elections. Raffy Tulfo became senator in 2022, Erwin Tulfo replaced their nominated representative in Congress in 2023. Their sister Wanda Tulfo-Teo served Duterte’s cabinet as Tourism Secretary for a few years. A corruption scandal typical of bureaucrat capitalist practices (like handing government contracts to her siblings’ production on TV) prompted Teo to resign. The siblings did not return the P80 million involved in the contract. Today, a total of seven Tulfos including Teo are running for positions.
Note that their friend Eric Yap also earned his and later his sibling’s positions in the House of Rep via the ACT-CIS partylist. Yap capitalized on his position and got elected as a district representative of Benguet even if he was not from there. His brother took his slot as ACT-CIS partylist representative. The Yaps were involved in corruption issues in the Bureau of Customs under Nicanor Faeldon.
The Tulfos and their friend the Yaps are the most high profile in this ironic sort of “marginalized” political clique. The list of partylist nominees also shows small or emerging political clans in local and regional political cliques.
2. “marginalized and underrepresented” in the family, political dynasties
Political clans who have ventured to local, regional or national elections do not lack members who still seek positions even though they have suffered or anticipated defeats in their candidacy, or, they have exhausted the maximum term limits but still want to “serve.”
There are also cases where siblings, spouses, sons and daughters are “trained,” fielded to expand the family horizon and reserve the seats in their name via the partylist, to later exchange with family members with defined constituencies.
To name a few examples: the Romualdezes, Dutertes, Revillas of Cavite, Senator Grace Poe, siblings Senator Jinggoy Estrada and Laguna Governor ER Ejercito (supporting two different partylists), Chavit Singson.
Tingog Sinirangan partylist has the son and wife of House Speaker Martin Romualdez as leading nominees. Martin’s wife is their incumbent representative. The son is head of their various companies in extractive mining industry.
Another incumbent dubious partylist, the 4Ps, has links to Romualdez and to Mandaluyong’s Abalos political clan. Its first and incumbent representative will run for Eastern Samar upon Speaker Romualdez’s urging. The second nominee and incumbent 4Ps Rep is son of incumbent Mandaluyong City mayor, and nephew of another former mayor of their city and former Secretary of DILG Benhur Abalos, now running for senator.
The Duterte family endorsed a new partylist called PPP, whose first nominee is a Duterte. The Dutertes also have stakes in other partylists.
Senator Grace Poe have family members in FPJ Panday Bayanihan. Its first and fourth nominees are Senator Poe’s son and husband, respectively. Its third nominee is wife of Oriental Mindoro Governor.
The sons of ousted President Joseph Estrada are fielding relatives in partylists, too. BFF Balikatan of Filipino Families lists two Ejercitos as nominees, led by the wife of Senator Jinggoy Estrada and two surnamed Puno in the first four nominees.
The son of Senator Bong Revilla and Lani Revilla is seeking a second term as Agimat Partylist Rep, with a hotel and resort company’s CEO surnamed Panlilio as second nominee. A Revilla son-in-law is also among the nominees.
The partylist elections became an additional revenue and power stream for members of political dynasties. What is not new to them is their decades of practice in trading public seats “like inheriting family heirlooms.” To them the partylist race only added to the portfolio they can dip their hands into.
3. “marginalized and underrepresented” in politics as businessmen/women whose roles before were mostly as supporter/financier/lobbyist.
Many nominees of Partylists listed their jobs as businessmen/businesswomen.
The biggest examples here are incumbent partylist reps who are billionaires and running for reelection in the partylist, for example the Romeros (Mikee and now the daughter, too, and Reghis IV—all in strategic businesses that include port or harbor centers). The father and son Romeros in 1Pacman are bosses of Globalport 900 while Reghis Romero IV of Gilas is in Harbour Center in Manila. A billionaire president and CEO of heavy equipment and mining companies, Caroline Tanchay, is running for “Kamalayan” partylist but currently, she is the incumbent Sagip Partylist Rep.
The Agri partylist incumbent Rep Wilbert Lee has multi-million real estate and food businesses. His partylist now fields his wife. Among the nominees is his wife’s relative and executives in their group of companies.
An incumbent OFW partylist rep aka Marissa del Mar came from a successful entertainment career and real estate business. Willie Revillame’s multi-level marketer sponsor in Tutok to Win TV game segment has joined the polls, too.
They ventured into politics via the partylist race by highlighting advocacies for the marginalized. Some may indeed be doing volunteer work as a way of giving back or scoring tax breaks and pogi points through Corporate Social Responsibility. But often, their services borrowed tactics from traditional patronage politics. These include doleouts or donation, medical missions, distributing or promising some kind of health support, education or other services from the likes of electric cooperatives, financing, housing, assistance in facing gender violence, among others.
Ultimately they become expansion or extension of patronage politics and support to political dynasties. They launch their programs in cooperation with incumbent politicians. In the House of Representatives, they behave just like the lawmakers with “defined constituencies”—crafting laws that neither question the roots of the masses’ indigence nor seek to resolve it. In fact, representatives like them have pushed tax reforms benefiting the rich and co-sponsored the likes of Maharlika Investment Fund of the Marcos 2 regime
4. “regional” partylist groups “owned” by regional, provincial politicians
Related to the No. 2, in this no. 4 we note some of the ways they bet on themselves through partylists. They appeal to regional or provincial affiliations.
Many regional Ako ganyan, Ako ganito have surfaced in the partylist elections.
What used to be a competition between sectoral representations and issue-based advocacies now included competition of regional affiliations. There is little data showing how the Comelec settled the underlying issue of naming such and such regions as “marginalized and underepresented.” It is an admission that almost every Filipino—from north to south such as the Ilocanos, the Bicolanos, the Warays, the Tausugs of Mindanao, the indigenous peoples, and generally the probinsyano or promdi, are marginalized and underrepresented. But, their self-appointed reps running in Congress are hardly poor or powerless.
The following are some examples:
Two similarly named partylists are led by scions of political clans seeking to revive or maintain their presence. The son of Cebu’s late former governor and businessman Emilio Mario “Lito” Osmeña is first nominee of Promdi. He is trying to revive the Osmeña’s who are disappearing in elected positions. Probinsyano Ako is topbilled by the son of Rudy Fariñas Sr, from their political clan in Ilocos, followed by the incumbent mayor of Vigan, Ilocos Sur, a brother of Chavit Singson who is from the Singson political clan also in Ilocos.
Chavit Singson’s sons, daughters and grandaughter are the first five nominees of incumbent partylist Ilocano Ako.
Ilocano Defenders is fielding three members surnamed Say. Their background straddles business, publishing and politics. Their founder wanted the Philippines to be the America of Asia. He was mayor of Aparri, Cagayan from 1966 to 1986.
Ako Bisaya’s top nominees are led by its incumbent Rep, the husband of Cebu 6th district Representative Daphne Arias Lagon. The couple’s twins also hold local positions (councilors) in Cebu. Ako Bisaya’s second nominee is daughter of Cebu’s incumbent governor Gwen Garcia, and sister of Liloan mayor turned Tourism Secretary under Marcos Jr.
Ako Bicol party nominees are led by its incumbent Rep, an investor and businessman in construction. His second nominee is mayor of Legazpi City who took position only in 2024 after settling the 2022 election dispute there. The rest of their nominees are lawyers or businessmen. Another incumbent Bicolano party is Bicol Saro, which kicked out its representative in Congress in 2023 due to disagreements. Its current second and third nominees are wife and son, respectively, of incumbent CamNorte second district Rep “Lray” Villafuerte. The latter is running for governor.
From the South, the Kusug-Tausug has family members swapping positions as incumbent Reps, nominees and candidates for local positions. The Tan family has close links to former President Duterte, Bong Go, and Celso Lobregat.
5. some “sectoral” or advocacy partylist groups are owned or controlled by rich local business groups or allied local pols or personalities in government
In this group of so-called “marginalized, underrepresented” are shifting alliances of politicians and appointed government officials who also want to become bigger businesses or political clans or both. Some have hopped from one partylist to another to score seats in Congress.
In 2022 elections, Mothers for Change (or Mocha) is a partylist formed by former PCOO assistant secretary and Duterte ally Mocha Uson. This 2025 election, Mocha fields the son of Bulacan Vice Governor Wilhelmino Sy-Alvarado as first nominee. The younger Alvarado used to be the second nominee of Kapuso-PM party-list. Meanwhile, Mocha’s second nominee used to be the fifth nominee of Ang Probinsyano party-list. He is a municipal councilor of Albay and nephew of Albay Rep. Joey Salceda. As a political clan in Bulacan, the Alvarados are locked in electoral competition with the Tantocos and Domingos.
Former president Duterte fully supports his lawyer, Rodante Marcoleta, incumbent Sagip partylist Rep (formerly from Alagad Partylist) who is now running for senator. This 2025 election, the older Marcoleta is fielding his son as first nominee of Sagip.
Another Duterte-linked incumbent partylist is Dumper, which earned first seat in 2019. The first nominee and now on second term in Congress is Claudine Diana Bautista-Lim, the eldest daughter of Hugpong ng Pagbabago president and Davao Occidental Governor Claude Bautista. Her aunt is that province’s lone congressional representative, Lorna Bautista-Bandigan.
From Bulacan, the incumbent governor, Daniel Fernando, is fielding Damayang Pilipino, a partylist he founded. A surnamed Fernando is among the nominees that included lawyers, pharmacists and businessmen.
Buhay partylist, established by El Shaddai’s Mike Velarde, listed nominees led by Lito Atienza. He held positions as Manila mayor, vice mayor, and congressman. His son-in-law is one of their nominees.
A former vice-governor of Catanduanes led the TGP Partylist that had won seats in 2019 and 2022 elections. Other nominees are businessmen in construction industry with DPWH projects.
Another partylist called BH that has won seats in Congress now lists as first nominee Roberto Gerald Nazal Jr, an “agricultural entrepreneur” who almost represented Magsasaka Partylist in 2022 but was thwarted and contested by another faction of this partylist.
6. some partylist groups linked to reactionary troops or state witchhunters
Not to mention the ACT-CIS that was born and bred by a former police chief and passed on to the Tulfos whose father is a police colonel. There is a partylist called UGB led by Melvin Contapay. Endorsed by Bong Go, the first nominee is called Lt. Gen. in his social media account. He used to be with RAM Partylist and may be engaged in the extractive mining industry. Many others have nominees who are retired or reserve military officers. To be fair, not all of them are frothing-in-the mouth anti-left. The kindest that can be said about them is, they are leveraging their reactionary armed links for gains whether as part of the bureaucrat capitalist class or as part of its troops.
1-Rider Partylist’s third nominee is a retired colonel, member of ready reserve unit advisory council and an assistant Inspector General of the Philippine Army who, as an executive director also of 1 Rider Partylist, is in charge of its organization and groundwork.
New entrant to the partylist race PBBM identifies itself as a regional party, with nominees mostly from the north. An example of the unusual crop of “marginalized,” it should also be in no. 2 and no. 4 of our list—but the presence of a former commanding officer of the reactionary troops makes it an example here. The lead nominee is an incumbent barangay captain in Abra, with many of her relatives among the nominees. The second nominee is a Philippine Army Colonel who used to be commanding officer of 24th IB 7th ID.
The Duterte Youth, another dubious partylist, is fielding as top nominee its incumbent Rep, a lieutenant colonel surnamed Cardema. Her newsworthy presence recently was her attempt to redirect the probe on Vice President Sara Duterte to attacking the New People’s Army instead. The second and third nominees are with the (Philippine National Police Academy) PNPA and a PMA graduate, respectively.
Retired police officers and a former DILG undersecretary are the nominees of Bagong Maunlad na Pilipinas.
The worst of the lot is Epanaw, the most blatant at witchhunting whose nominees include NTF-ELCAC (National Task Force to End Local Armed Conflict) redtaggers as Marlon Bosantog, Lorraine Badoy and Jeffrey Celiz whom even factcheckers in Verafiles can’t help but critize for having no right or basis to introduce himself as “Ka Eric.” Apparently, based on VeraFiles interviews of persons close to Celiz, he has never been part of any revolutionary organizations of NPA or CPP.
All in all, these sort of “marginalized, underrepresented” that headline the partylist race totally shatter the “intent” to share space in Congress with the actual marginalized sectors. On the one hand, they edge out the legitimate partylists. They grab more airtime in the media and more allies from traditional local, district and regional politicians. When you factor in the relentless martial law and harassment on the ground plus vote-buying and automated cheating, the legitimate partylists that could still win in this heavily biased elections are then truly the marginalized winners.
Unfortunately for them, or a challenge for them and the actual marginalized 99 percent of Filipino people, their valiant partylist reps will have to navigate a Congress that is not only 80 percent from the dynasties, the landed, wealthy and powerful, but whose 20 remaining percent are also majority controlled by the same traditional clique.
Why else would the reactionary state maintain the likes of NTF-ELCAC, and not content with that, field some of their liars in the party list race? On top of the ongoing martial law like situation in urban poor and countryside, they seek to repress and deceive the people who have no choice but protest the increasingly exploitative criminal rule of this rotting semicolonial, semifeudal state. (Pinky Ang) ###
